[No.  1.3 

WEYMOUTH  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY, 


THE 


ORIGINAL    JOURNAL 


OF 


GENERAL  SOLOMON  LOVELL, 


KEPT 


DURING  THE  PENOBSCOT  EXPEDITION,  1779: 


WITH  A 


SKETCH     OF     HIS     LIFE 


BY 


GILBERT  HASH. 


TOGETHFK 


PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE   SOCIETY   FOR    1879-80. 


PUBLISHED    BY 

THE    WEYMOUTH    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY. 

1881. 


3 


BOSTON : 

WRIGHT  AND  POTTEK  PBINTINQ  COMPANY, 
18  POST  OFFICE  SQUARE. 


CONTENTS. 


Page. 

ORGANIZATION, 4 

HISTORY  AND  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE  SOCIETY,         ...  5 

LIST  OF  DONORS, 13 

INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  GEN.  LOVELL  PAPERS,        .         .         .  14 
SKETCH  OF  GEN.  SOLOMON  LOVELL  : 

CHAPTER        I.     Ancestry,    .         .         .         .         .         .  19 

CHAPTER      II.     Early  Life, 24 

CHAPTER     III.     French  War, 31 

CHAPTER     IV.     Domestic  Life, 36 

CHAPTER       V.     Public  Service, 38 

CHAPTER     VI.     Military  Service,          ....  44 

CHAPTER    VII.     Penobscot  Expedition  —  Preparations,  52 
CHAPTER  VIII.     Penobscot  Expedition  —  Opening   the 

Campaign,      .         .         .         .         .  60 

CHAPTER     IX.     Progress  of  the  Siege,          .         .         .  67 

CHAPTER      X.     The  Defeat 74 

GEN.  LOVELL'S  JOURNAL,     .......  93 

APPENDIX.     ROBERT  LOVELL'S  GENEALOGY,          .         .         .  107 
INDEX,         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .117 

ILLUSTRATIONS. 

MILITARY  ORDER  OF  GEN.  LOVELL,      .         .                  .         .  25 
CAPT.  ENOCH  LOVELL'S  HOUSE   (now  standing  at  the  corner 

of  Commercial  Street  and  Union  Avenue,  Weymouth),  25 
HOMESTEAD   OF   GEN.    SOLOMON    LOVELL,    on   Neck   Street, 

uOld  Spain,"        .-        .         •-.-•-..       •         •         •         •  37 

MAP  OF  CASTINE  HARBOR  (from  a  United  States  Survey),    .  53 


WEYMOUTH  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY. 


ORGANIZED  APRIL  12,  1879. 


OFFICERS  FOR  1880. 

PRESIDENT,      ....  ELIAS  RICHARDS,  ESQ. 

VICE-PRESIDENT,      .         .         .  JOHN  J.  LOUD,  ESQ. 

RECORDING  SECRETARY,  .         .  GILBERT  NASH,  ESQ. 

CORRESPONDING  SECRETARY,     .  REV.  ANSON  TITUS,  JR. 

TREASURER,     ....  WILLIAM  H.  CLAPP,  ESQ. 

LIBRARIAN,      .         .         .         .  Miss  CARRIE  A.  BLANCHARD, 

EXECUTIVE   COMMITTEE: 
The  above  officers  ex  officio,  and  Rev.  LUCIEN  H.  FRARY. 

COMMITTEE    ON  NOMINATIONS: 

JOHN  J.  LOUD,  Esq.  SAMUEL  W.  REED,  Esq. 

AUGUSTUS  J.  RICHARDS,  Esq. 


LIBRARY  COMMITTEE: 
The  PRESIDENT  and  SECRETARIES,  ex  ojficio. 


SKETCH  OF  THE  HISTORY  AND  PROCEEDINGS 


OF    THE 


WEYMOUTH  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY. 


IN  presenting  to  the  public  a  volume  from  the  Wey- 
mouth  Historical  Society,  the  questions  will  naturally 
be  suggested,  "What  is  this  Society?  and  what  is  its 
history?  Perhaps  no  better  answer  can  be  given  than 
a  sketch  of  its  origin  and  a  brief  record  of  its  pro 
ceedings. 

The  first  entry  upon  its  records  is  the  following  docu 
ment: 

''  The  absence  of  any  historical  organization  in  the 
Town  of  Weymouth,  for  the  collection  and  preservation 
of  records,  traditions  and  facts,  historical,  genealogical 
and  geographical,  led  to  the  preparation  of  the  follow 
ing  paper,  which  explains  itself,  and  which  was  circu 
lated  in  March,  1879: 

T  We,  the  subscribers,  believing  it  to  be  of  the  highest 
importance  that  the  ancient  records  should  be  collected 
and  preserved,  and  that  the  time  has  fully  come  when 
some  systematic  eifort  should  be  made  to  do  this,  recom 
mend  the  organization  of  an  association  having  such 
an  object  in  view;  its  meetings  to  be  held  in  some  con 
venient  place,  as  often  as  may  be  necessary  to  carry  out 


6 


the  contemplated  object ;  and  we  agree  to  do  what  we 
can  to  further  the  interests  of  such  an  association,  by 
aiding  in  its  formation  and  support,  by  gathering  records 
and  traditions  to  be  considered  at  its  meetings  and 
placed  upon  its  records  or  files,  or  published,  as  deemed 
most  expedient,  and  to  encourage  by  whatever  means 
we  may  the  objects  of  its  organization  ;  and  we  further 
suggest  that  an  initiatory  meeting  be  called  as  soon  as 
ten  names  are  obtained  to  this  paper." 

The  paper  was  signed  by  the  following  gentlemen, 
viz. :  Gilbert  Nash,  Frank  "W.  Lewis,  Samuel  "W.  Reed, 
John  J.  Loud,  Anson  Titus,  Jr.,  Charles  G.  Easter- 
brook,  Everett  C.  Bumpus,  Elias  Richards,  Augustus 
J.  Richards,  W.  H.  Clapp,  Lucien  H.  Frary,  J.  W. 
Armington  and  F.  P.  Chapin. 

A  meeting  was  called  for  March  22,  1879  ;  but  owing 
to  a  severe  storm  and  a  misunderstanding  in  giving  the 
notice,  only  four  persons  were  present.  The  meeting 
was  therefore  adjourned  to  the  evening  of  Saturday, 
March  29,  when  the  following  signers  of  the  paper 
above  mentioned,  namely,  Elias  Richards,  Everett  C. 
Bumpus,  Frank  "W.  Lewis,  John  J.  Loud,  Samuel  W. 
Reed,  William  H.  Clapp,  Lucien  H.  Frary,  Anson  Titus, 
Jr.,  and  Gilbert  Nash,  met  at  the  office  of  Elias  Rich 
ards,  Esq.,  at  Weymouth  Landing,  for  the  purpose 
suggested. 

The  meeting  was  called  to  order  by  Rev.  Anson 
Titus,  Jr.,  and  organized  by  the  choice  of  Elias  Rich 
ards,  Esq.,  for  chairman,  and  Gilbert  Nash  for  secretary. 
A  plan  for  a  permanent  organization  was  presented  by 
Rev.  Mr.  Titus,  which  was  referred  to  a  committee 
consisting  of  Messrs.  Titus,  Lewis  and  Nash,  with 
instructions  to  consider  and  report  at  the  next  meet 
ing. 

At  a  second  meeting  held  at  the  same  place,  on 
Saturday  evening,  April  12,  1879,  the  ""Weymouth 


Historical  Society"  was  formed,  and  the  following 
officers  elected  : 

President, .        .         .  Elias  Richards, 

Vice-President,          .         .  John  J.  Loud, 

Recording  Secretary,         .  Gilbert  Nash, 

Corresponding  Secretary,  .  Anson  Titus,  Jr., 

Treasurer,          .         .         .  William  H.  Clapp, 

Librarian,         .        .         .  Samuel  W.  Reed, 

an  Executive  Committee  consisting  of  the  above- 
named  officers  and  Lucien  H.  Frary,  and  a  Committee 
on  Nominations  consisting  of  Charles  G.  Easterbrook, 
Everett  C.  Bumpus  and  Augustus  J.  Richards. 

A  constitution  was  also  adopted.  The  Society  was 
thus  fully  organized  and  placed  upon  a  working  basis. 

Meetings  were  held  regularly  on  the  first  Saturday 
evening  in  each  month  (excepting  July  and  August) 
during  the  year,  and  much  interest  was  manifested  in 
the  operations  of  the  Society,  not  only  by  its  members, 
but  by  the  towns-people,  and  also  by  historical  students 
and  others  interested  in  historical  matters  in  various 
parts  of  the  country. 

The  following  original  papers  were  prepared,  and  read 
at  the  different  meetings  : 

w  Ancient  names  and  Localities  in  "Weymouth." 
w  Genealogies  of  the  families  of  Thomas  Dyer,  and 
Thomas  White,   two   of   the   earliest   settlers   of   the 
town  ; "  found  among  the  papers  of  the  late  Col.  Asa 
White. 

"  Beals  Genealogy." 

"  Inscriptions  in  the  Pleasant  St.  Burying  Ground." 
"  Inscriptions  in  The  Rocks  Burying  Ground." 
"  Sketch  of  the  Ministers  of  the  old  North  Church, 
Weymouth;"   from  the  MSS.  of  Rev.  Dr.  Emerson 
Davis. 


8 

The  above  were  all  prepared  by  members  of  the  So 
ciety.  There  was  also  prepared  by  Robert  B.  Hull, 
Esq.,  of  New  York,  a  very  valuable  paper  upon  his 
ancestor,  Rev.  Joseph  Hull,  of  "Weymouth,  1635. 

The  presentations  of  volumes,  pamphlets  and  docu 
ments  of  various  kinds  were  many  and  valuable  ;  and 
the  Society  closed  its  first  year  in  circumstances  of 
great  encouragement.  Its  success  had  fully  equalled 
the  anticipations  of  its  most  enthusiastic  supporters, 
and  much  historical  material,  which  might  otherwise 
have  been  lost,  had  been  collected  and  put  in  form  for 
preservation.  Most  of  the  papers  mentioned  appeared 
in  the  columns  of  the  "Weymouth  Gazette,"  and  will 
be  preserved  upon  its  files.  A  new  and  growing  inter 
est  in  the  study  of  historical  subjects  was  created, 
which  is  likely  to  become  permanent  and  useful. 

At  the  annual  meeting,  held  January  3,  1880,  the 
old  Board  of  officers  was  re-elected,  with  the  following 
exceptions  :  Miss  Carrie  A.  Blanchard,  Librarian  of 
the  Tufts  Library,  in  place  of  S.  W.  Eeed,  Esq.,  who 
declined  a  re-election  as  Librarian,  but  accepted  a  posi 
tion  upon  the  Committee  on  Nominations  with  John  J. 
Loud,  Esq.,  in  place  of  Messrs.  C.  G.  Easterbrook  and 
Everett  C.  Bumpus. 

The  Society  feeling  it  to  be  imposing  too  much  of  a 
burden  upon  their  worthy  President  to  longer  accept 
the  use  of  his  office  for  a  place  of  meeting  without 
compensation,  although  it  was  generously  and  cheer 
fully  offered,  made  arrangements  by  which  the  meet 
ings  have  since  been  held  in  the  rooms  of  the  Tufts 
Library,  the  Trustees  kindly  offering  their  use  free  of 
expense.  The  library  and  papers  were  accordingly  re 
moved  to  that  place  and  arranged  in  position  to  be  more 
accessible  to  the  public.  The  first  meeting  held  there 
was'  on  the  evening  of  April  7,  1880,  the  time  being 
changed  from  Saturday  to  "Wednesday  evening. 


At  the  meeting  of  June  2,  the  death  of  Rev.  George 
Dodson  of  North  Weymouth  was  announced  and  ap 
propriate  action  taken.  This  was  the  first  death  of  a 
member  of  the  Society  since  its  formation.  During 
the  year  1880  the  following  original  papers  have  been 
prepared,  and  read  before  the  Society  : 

Two  papers  on  "  The  Early  Physicians  of  Wey 
mouth,"  by  Dr.  F.  F.  Forsaith. 

Two  papers  on  "  The  Early  Land  Owners  of  Wey 
mouth,"  by  Rev.  Anson  Titus,  Jr. 

Two  papers  giving  the  "  History  of  the  "Weymouth 
Light-Horse  Troop,"  by  Dr.  C.  C.  Tower. 

"East  Weymouth  in  1818,"  by  Dea.  Alvah  Ray- 
mond. 

«  Old  Spain  in  1793,"  by  Thos.  F.  Cleverly,  Esq. 

"  Inscriptions  in  the  East  "Weymouth  Cemetery,"  by 
Martin  E.  Hawes,  Esq. 

Two  papers  on  the  "Highways,  Residences  and  People 
of  East  Braintree  in  1803,"  by  Samuel  A.  Bates,  Esq. 
And  the  following  by  Gilbert  Nash,  Esq. : 

«  The  Early  Tirrells  of  Weymouth  ;  " 

'  Weymouth  Landing,  two  and  three  generations 
ago  ; " 

*  North  Weymouth  about  1800  ;  " 

w  Lovell  Genealogy  ;  " 

w  Inscriptions  in  the  <  Reed '  Burying  Ground." 

The  document  of  most  general  interest,  however,  that 
the  Society  has  furnished,  and  which  forms  the  basis  of 
this  volume,  is  the  w  Private  Diary  of  General  Solomon 
Lovell,"  kept  by  him  during  the  unfortunate  Penob- 
scot  Expedition  of  1779.  It  is  a  very  interesting  as 
well  as  important  paper,  having  to  do  with  a  portion  of 
Revolutionary  history  that  has  been  too  often  over 
looked.  The  document  has  been  in  the  hands  of  Gen. 
Lovell's  descendants  since  his  death,  and  has  never 
before  seen  the  light. 


10 

All  have  been  valuable  papers,  supplying  much  needed 
information,  and  are  well  worthy  of  preservation. 

The  Society  has  reached  the  end  of  its  second 
year  ;  and,  although  it  can  boast  of  no  great  achieve 
ments,  it  can  show  substantial  progress,  and  has  proved 
itself  worthy  of  a  place  among  kindred  societies.  "Wey- 
mouth  has  a  history  second  in  importance  to  few  if  any 
towns  in  New  England,  but  it  is  yet  to  be  written,  and, 
in  fact,  a  large  part  of  the  materials  are  still  to  be  col 
lected.  It  is  the  object  of  this  Society  to  gather  these 
materials. 

Very  many  of  the  prominent  families  of  the  land 
trace  their  ancestry  to  this  town,  and  are  thus  interested 
in  its  history,  while  many  others  still  ignorant  of 
their  descent  from  "Weymouth  families  are  scattered 
throughout  the  States.  It  is  one  object  of  this  Society 
to  obtain  such  information  as  may  be  necessary  to 
establish  these  important  family  connections,  and 
it  has  already  done  much  in  this  direction.  A  large 
portion  of  the  work  that  has  been  done  cannot  be 
shown  in  this  record,  much  of  it  being  yet  incomplete, 
or  of  a  nature  that  hardly  admits  of  notice  here ;  still  it 
is  important  and  necessary,  and  is  steadily  progressing. 

The  Society  commends  itself  to  the  hearty  sympathy 
and  active  co-operation  of  all  societies  and  individuals 
engaged  or  interested  in  historical  work. 


11 


LIST  OF  DONORS 

FROM  THE  ORGANIZATION  TO  JANUARY  l,  1881, 


NAMES. 

Volumes. 

Pamphlets 

Other 
•     papers. 

Adlington,  Francis  M., 

- 

3 

2 

Ager,  Solomon  (blank  record  books)  ,    . 

12 

- 

- 

Agriculture,  Dep't  of,  Washington,  D.  C.,    . 

6 

- 

- 

Alden,  Dr.  Ebenezer,    ..... 

1 

7 

1 

Ames,  Ellis,          ...... 

1 

Baker,  Edmund  K.,       

- 

1 

Bates,  Samuel  A.,         ..... 

1 

Beals,  Elias  S.  (also  3  war  relics), 

1 

15 

3 

Bicknell,  Quincy,            .         . 

1 

Bicknell,  Thomas  W.,  

_ 

1 

_ 

Bicknell,  Z.  L.,     

- 

20 

2 

Bird,  Frank  W.,   

1 

Boston,  City  of,    . 

1 

Bowne,  Jacob  T.  (by  exchange)  ,  . 

1 

_ 

_ 

Brock,  Robert  A.,  Lib.  Va.  Hist.  So.,    . 

1 

4 

11 

Carpenter,  Rev.  C.  C.,  

- 

1 

- 

Chapman,  Mrs.  Maria  Weston, 

- 

3 

- 

Clapp,  William  H.,        

1 

- 

2 

Cornell,  William  M.,  D.D.,  LL.D., 

1 

- 

- 

Crane,  Charles  T.,         

- 

24 

_ 

Curtis,  Phillips,     ...... 

- 

2 

— 

Emery,  Rev.  S.  Hopkins, 

- 

1 

- 

Essex  Institute,    

- 

1 

- 

12 


LIST  OF  DONORS— Continued. 


NAMES. 

Volumes. 

Pamphlets. 

Other 
paper*. 

Faxon,  Mrs.  Luc}'  J.,    

- 

- 

3 

Frary,  Rev.  Lucien  H., 

- 

1 

1 

Friends'  Hist.  Ass'n,  Philadelphia, 

- 

2 

- 

Goss,  Elbridge  H.,        

- 

2 

- 

Hanaford,  Rev.  Phebe  A.,     .... 

1 

- 

- 

Harding,  Mrs.  Joseph  (an  Indian  bowl), 

2 

3 

- 

Hoes,  Rev.  R.  Randall,          .... 

- 

1 

- 

2 

3 

_ 

Hull,  Robert  B.,    

1 

Hunt,  EbenW.,    

- 

- 

2 

Hunt,  Mrs.  Marcia  E.,  . 

- 

1 

- 

Hunt,  Mrs.  Martha  N., 

4 

1 

'      - 

Huntoon,  D.  T.  V.,        

- 

2 

- 

Langworth}',  Rev.  I.  P.,  D.D., 

1 

- 

- 

Lapham,  William  B.,     . 

- 

5 

- 

Lewis,  Frank  W.,          

- 

20 

1 

1 

1 

1 

Loud,  John  J.  (also  a  picture  of  the  old  Hol- 

lis  Street  church,  now  in  E.  Braintree)  , 

- 

3 

10 

Lovell,  A.  A.,       ...... 

- 

2 

— 

Lovell,  John  P.,    . 

- 

- 

1 

Manson,  Evan  M.  (an  Indian  relic)  , 

- 

- 

- 

Montcalm,  Miss,  ...... 

2 

- 

- 

4 

4 

2 

Nash,  Miss  Louisa,       ..... 

2 

1 

Nash,  Oran,           

1 

- 

- 

Nash,  Thomas,     

- 

- 

28 

Porter,  Hon.  J.  W.,       

1 

8 

- 

Porter,  T.  B.,        

— 

1 

— 

13 


LIST  OF  DONORS — Concluded. 


NAMES. 


Volumes.   Pamphlets. 


Pratt,  Edwin  (one  map) , 

Reed,  Charles  A., 1 

Reed,  Quincy  L.  (Continental  money,  $£) ,    . 

Reed,  Samuel  W., 2 

Richards,  Elias  (two  relics  of  the  late  war),  .          2  3 

Rhode  Island  Hist.  Soc.,       ....  1 

Sawtelle,  J.  B., 1 

Spencer,  Jeremiah  (an  Indian  relic) ,     . 

State  Department,  Washington,  D.  C.,  .          1 

Stetson,  A.  W.  (an  Indian  relic) , 

Stone,  Rev.  Edwin  M.,          ....          1  1 

Tilden,  F.  H., 1 

Titus,  Rev.  Anson,  Jr.,         ....  10 

Tower,  Dr.  Charles  C.,  1 

Treasury  Department,  Washington,  D.  C.,     .          5 
Trufant,  Horace  F.,      .....  1 

Unknown, 1 

War  Dep't,  Washington,  D.  C.  (4  maps) ,     .        33  3 

Weymouth,  Town  of,    .....  50 

Weymouth,  S.,  Citizens  of  (memorials  of  the 
Weymouth  Light- Horse  Troop) , 

White,  Amos  S., -           10 

White,  Hon.  George, 1 

White,  George  W., 1             1 

Whitmarsh,  Samuel  F., 

Wildes,  James  L., 

Wilson,  T.  L., -             2 

Winthrop,  Hon.  Robert  C.,   .  -             3 


14 


INTRODUCTION. 


THE  discovery  of  the  original  Private  Journal  of  the 
Commander-in-chief  of  an  important  military  expedi 
tion  of  the  Revolutionary  War,  covering  the  whole 
time  occupied  by  that  service,  is  an  event  which  justi 
fies  more  than  a  passing  notice. 

The  fact  that  such  expedition  resulted  in  failure  is 
no  sufiicient  reason  for  withholding  its  history,  since 
the  light  of  the  fullest  investigation,  as  in  many  par 
allel  cases,  may  not  only  relieve  a  principal  actor  of  the 
odium  that  such  disaster  naturally  throws  upon  him,  but 
may  serve  to  restore  him  to  his  former  position  and 
reputation,  with  the  added  lustre  which  the  details  of 
the  service  alone  are  able  to  reveal;  and,  also,  to 
fasten  where  it  properly  belongs,  the  responsibility 
of  the  result. 

The  Private  Journal  of  Gen.  Solomon  Lovell,  which 
is  herewith  published,  while  it  may  not,  perhaps, 
present  any  new  facts  in  relation  to  the  matter  of 
which  it  treats,  gives  a  clearer  insight  into  the  details 
of  that  unfortunate  affair,  and  affords  better  means 
of  judging  with  whom  the  blame  should  rest. 

As  a  private  paper,  not  intended  for  the  public  eye, 
it  should,  and  probably  does  give  the  writer's  real  ideas 
and  impressions  of  the  events  he  relates,  as  they  tran 
spired,  which  no  public  document  could  be  expected  to 
do.  It  may  exhibit  the  partialities  and  prejudices  of 


15 

the  author,  while  it  gives  his  honest  opinion,  and  thus 
it  becomes  a  valuable  historical  record. 

It  is  comparatively  easy,  in  the  review  of  facts  at  the 
distance  of  years,  to  discover  where  an  error  was  made. 
The  knowledge  afforded  by  subsequent  events  is  a  won 
derful  enlightener;  but  in  order  to  form  a  correct  judg 
ment  it  is  essential  to  obtain,  as  nearly  as  possible,  all  of 
the  facts,  those  adverse  as  well  as  those  favorable ;  then 
it  may  be  possible  to  find  sufficient  reason  for  unfavor 
able  results,  without,  in  the  slightest  degree,  criminating 
the  most  prominent  actor. 

The  single  fact  of  a  divided  command,  each  chief 
being  wholly  independent  of  the  other,  though  respon 
sible  to  one  common  authority,  yet  that  authority  so 
far  removed  as  to  be  totally  inoperative  in  an  emer 
gency,  is  judged,  in  ordinary  campaigns,  to  be  abun 
dant  reason  to  produce  failure. 

As  commander  of  the  land  forces  destined  for  the 
Penobscot  Expedition,  General  Lovell  was  selected  for 
his  supposed  special  fitness  for  such  a  service,  by  men 
who  were  in  a  position,  from  long  and  intimate  associa 
tion,  to  know  best  his  qualifications.  He  was  detached 
in  haste,  poorly  supplied  with  the  means  necessary  to 
render  his  branch  of  the  service  successful,  and  actually 
ordered  to  sea  before  the  men  were  raised  who  were  to 
support  him,  and  in  many  cases  before  the  munitions 
had  been  more  than  ordered  ;  and  this,  too,  while  the 
very  force  upon  which  the  final  result  depended,  was 
placed  under  the  control  of  an  independent  commander; 
thus,  when  the  time  came  that  the  brilliant  landing  of 
General  Lovell  on  the  bluffs  of  Bagaduce,  on  the  28th 
July,  was  effected,  and  it  became  necessary  to  supple 
ment  that  achievement  by  the  active  co-operation  of  the 
fleet  in  an  attack  upon  the  enemy's  shipping,  and,  at  a 
blow,  destroy  the  only  remaining  force  that  was  to 
be  feared,  an  excessive  caution  amounting  to  timidity 


16 

prevailed  in  the  naval  councils,  the  important  moments 
were  allowed  to  slip  by  unimproved,  and,  instead  of  a 
brilliant,  successful  campaign,  a  disgraceful  defeat  was 
the  issue. 

The  Court  of  Inquiry  established  by  the  General 
Court,  after  a  most  thorough  investigation,  wholly 
exonerated  General  Lovell  and  placed  the  blame  of 
the  disaster  upon  his  associate,  Commodore  Salton- 
stall;  and  the  general  verdict  of  subsequent  scholars 
who  have  examined  the  subject  has  sustained  that 
finding. 

The  Journal  of  General  Lovell,  published  with  this, 
affords  most  valuable  ex-parte  evidence  in  favor  of  this 
same  conclusion;  and  from  the  internal  evidence  which 
it  bears,  it  is  certainly  a  candid  and  honest  relation  of  an 
affair,  which,  while  it  reflects  no  credit  upon  the  expedi 
tion  as  a  whole,  does  not  suggest  any  dishonor  on  the 
part  of  the  writer,  who  is  very  careful  to  charge  dis 
honorable  intentions  in  no  single  instance  upon  any  of 
the  officers  associated  with  him  in  the  command. 

The  document  has  lain  for  these  many  years  among 
the  few  private  papers  of  General  Lovell  that  remain, 
unnoticed,  until  its  recent  accidental  discovery;  and  it 
has  been  thought  best,  in  the  interest  of  historical 
research,  to  present  it,  verbatim,  to  the  public.  With 
that  end  in  view,  the  paper  was  read  before  the  "Wey- 
mouth  Historical  Society,  which  has  taken  the  neces 
sary  steps  to  issue  the  present  volume,  and  which  has 
throughout  received  the  generous  support  of  James 
Lovell  Little,  Esq.,  of  Boston,  a  grandson  of  General 
Lovell,  and  who  also  has  other  interests  from  the  fact 
that  his  father,  Luther  Little,  who  married  General 
LovelPs  daughter  Hannah  (see  Genealogical  Table), 
and  his  uncle,  George  Little,  were  both  more  or  less 
connected  with  General  Lovell  throughout  the  Revo 
lution  as  well  as  on  the  Penobscot  Expedition. 


17 

In  connection  with  the  publication  of  the  Journal  it 
has  been  judged  appropriate  to  incorporate  with  it  a 
brief  sketch  of  the  author.  The  materials  for  this  pur 
pose  have  been  gathered  mainly  from  original  sources, 
with  much  care,  and,  although  not  so  full  and  abundant 
as  could  be  desired,  they  are  sufficient  to  afford  the  basis 
of  a  sketch  of  his  life  and  public  services  that  may  be 
of  permanent  value. 

Much  of  the  material  is  wholly  new  to  the  public; 
and  that  portion  of  original  matter  found  in  the  State 
Archives,  which  is  somewhat  familiar,  has  been  care 
fully  examined  in  search  of  any  facts,  relative  to  the 
Penobscot  Expedition,  that  may  have  been  heretofore 
overlooked. 

Of  the  private  history  of  General  Lovell  but  little  has 
been  ascertained;  and  although,  from  the  comparatively 
short  time  which  has  elapsed  since  he  died,  from  the 
fact  that  people  are  now  living  who  have  personal 
recollections  of  him,  and,  also,  from  the  number  of  his 
descendants  now  residing  not  far  from  his  old  home,  it 
might  be  supposed  that  ample  material  for  such  a  pur 
pose  would  be  found,  yet  the  most -careful  inquiry  thus 
far  has  failed  to  bring  it  forward. 

The  writer  of  the  sketch  is  indebted  to  the  follow 
ing,  among  the  many  published  works  which  he  has 
consulted  in  its  preparation:  *  Wheeler's  History  of 
Castine,"  "Williamson's  History  of  Maine,"  "William 
son's  History  of  Belfast,"  "  Arnold's  History  of  Rhode 
Island,"  "Bancroft,"  "Parkman,"  and  other  general  his 
tories;  while  the  public  records  of  the  town  and  State 
have  been  freely  used. 

He  is  also  greatly  indebted  to  Mrs.  Mary  Lovell  and 
her  sister,  Miss  Selima  Wildes,  grand-daughters  of 
General  Lovell,  for  the  use  of  the  manuscript  contain 
ing  the  Journal,  and  of  the  other  private  papers  of  the 
General  no  win  their  possession;  and  also  for  the  cheer- 


18 

fulness  with  which  they  have  contributed,  in  whatever 
way  they  could,  by  furnishing  information  and  materials 
for  the  work. 

He  would  also  gratefully  acknowledge  the  kind 
assistance  of  Dr.  Strong  and  the  officers  at  the  State 
House,  in  his  researches  among  the  State  papers. 


19 


GENERAL  SOLOMON  LOVELL 


CHAPTEK  I. 

HIS   ANCESTRY. 

REV.  JOSEPH  HULL/  a  native  of  Somersetshire,  Eng 
land,  a  graduate  of  St.  Mary's  Hall,  Oxford,  and  a 
preacher  of  some  celebrity  in  the  south-west  of  England, 
having  become  dissatisfied  with  his  position,  or,  inspired 
with  a  desire  to  see  the  new  world  just  now  dawning 
upon  the  eyes  of  Europe,  and  towards  which  so  many 
of  his  friends  and  neighbors  were  flocking,  resigned, 
in  1632,  the  rectorship  of  Northleigh,  in  Devon,  which 
he  had  held  for  eleven  years,  and  gathering  a  company 
of  devoted  followers  who  were  willing  to  share  with 
him  the  dangers,  difficulties  and  pleasures  of  this  new 
and  unknown  country,  set  sail  on  the  20th  of  March, 
1635,2  from  "Weymouth,  in  Old  Dorset,  for  the  lands  of 
the  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony. 

The  company  consisted  of  twenty-one  families,3  — 
about  one  hundred  and  five  individuals,  —  with  probably 
no  more  definite  destination  than  that  so  generally  indi- 

1  Robert  B.  Hull,  Esq.    Manuscript  in  the  Weymouth  Historical  Society's 
Library. 

1  Hotten.    Early  Emigrants,  page  283. 
•Records  of  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony,  vol.  1,  page  149. 


20 

cated  above,  preferring  to  leave  the  precise  spot  of  their 
location  to  the  direction  of  Providence.  After  a  pas 
sage  of  forty-six  days,  a  fair  one  for  that  period,  with 
such  vessels  as  they  could  then  command,  and  of  which 
we  have  no  further  record,  they  passed  in  among  the 
verdant  islands  of  that  beautiful  bay,  leaving  on  their 
left  the  bustling  settlement  of  Hull,  then  a  harbor  for 
the  inner  plantations,  and  after  a  pleasant  sail  of  about 
ten  miles  cast  anchor  before  Governor  Winthrop's  infant 
village  of  Boston.  This  was  on  the  6th  of  May,1  and  it 
was  not  until  July  2  that,  with  the  permission  of  the 
General  Court,2  they  at  length  settled  upon  "Wessagus- 
cus  as  their  future  home,  the  name  of  which,  in  pleasant 
memory  of  the  port  in  Dorset  they  had  so  recently  left, 
was  changed  to  Weymouth,  —  a  name  it  has  honorably 
borne  to  the  present  time,  with  its  original  territory 
unchanged  by  addition  or  diminution. 

This  selection  of  a  location  was  a  serious  business 
for  the  new  colonists,  whose  eyes  were  familiar  only 
with  the  highly  cultivated  fields  of  old  England,  who 
knew  little  of  the  capacities  of  the  soil  upon  which  they 
now  trod  for  the  first  time,  of  whose  history*  they  knew 
nothing,  and  whose  outlines,  even,  they  could  hardly 
discern,  so  thickly  were  they  wooded. 

There  was  no  lack  in  quantity  of  land,  and  but  little 
dispute  with  respect  to  titles,  owing  to  war  and  pesti 
lence^  which  had  nearly  depopulated  that  section;  but 
there  was  choice  in  quality  and  location,  and  even  that 
must  be  left  mainly,  as  they  had  from  the  first  proposed, 
to  the  direction  of  Providence.  So  they  sailed  down 
the  harbor,  passing  the  many  islands  that  dot  so  thickly 
its  fair  surface,  and  entering  the  estuary  now  called 
Fore  River,  came  to  anchor  in  a  small  cove  about  four 

1 R.  B.  Hull,  Esq.     Manuscript. 

8  Massachusetts  Colony  Records,  vol.  1,  page  149. 


21 

miles  from  its  mouth,  afterwards  known  as  Mill  Creek, 
and  not  far  from  the  spot  where  "Western's  colony  found 
a  landing  some  thirteen  years  before. 

Weymouth,  even  at  so  early  a  date,  was  not  wholly  a 
wilderness,  for  with  the  Weston  settlement  of  1622,  that 
of  Gorges  in  the  following  year,1  scattered  remnants  of 
whose  people  yet  remained  upon  the  ground,  and  others 
who  had  since  come  in,  quite  a  population  had  gathered 
within  the  limits  of  ancient  Wessaguscus,  while  the 
land  had  been  so  generally  taken  up,  and  the  planta 
tions  were  so  closely  connected  that  the  new  cornel's 
were  obliged  to  make  their  settlement  upon  territory 
further  to  the  southward. 

The  tract  selected  was  situated  southerly  from  Bury 
ing  Hill2  (beyond  which,  to  the  north,  were  the  larger 
portion  of  the  older  farms),  with  King  Oak  Hill  for  a 
central  point,  from  whose  summit,  seaward  and  land 
ward  there  extended  a  magnificent  prospect  of  hill  and 
stream,  of  forest  and  bay,  not  surpassed  in  natural 
beauty  by  the  most  favored  landscapes  of  the  old  world. 
The  temporary  habitations  of  the  "Weymouth  colonists 
of  1635  were  located  in  the  valley  lying  along  its 
western  base,  reaching  to  Burying  Hill.  Upon  the 
latter  were  the  meeting-house  and  watch-house,  as  well 
as  the  bury  ing-place,  while  the  farms  were  scattered 
for  a  distance  to  the  west,  south  and  east.  The  rude 
shelters  first  erected  were  replaced  from  time  to  time 
by  more  substantial  and  commodious  structures  built 
upon  the  farms  themselves,  when  the  lands  had  become 
better  improved,  and  the  danger  from  Indians  less 
imminent. 

Among  the  company  of  emigrants  now  arrived  were 
some  of  the  most  familiar  names  in  Weymouth  history; 

1  C.  F.  Adams,  Jr.,  Esq.     Early  Planters  of  Massachusetts  Bay.     (Trans 
actions  of  Mass.  Hist.  Society,  1878.) 

2  Christopher  Webb,  Esq.     Oral  tradition. 


22 

that  of  John  Whitmarsh,1  with  his  wife  Alice,  and  their 
four  children;  William  and  Susan  Read,  with  two  chil 
dren, —  these  latter  soon  removed  to  Boston,2  where 
they  have  numerous  descendants.  There  was  also 
Zachary  Bicknell  and  Agnes  his  wife,  with  their  family; 
and  Edward  Poolc,  whose  numerous  posterity  are  found 
not  only  in  "Weymouth,  but  largely  in  Abington  and 
the  other  towns  to  the  southward.  Henry  Kingman, 
Thomas  Holbrook,  Richard  Porter,  were  also  of  the 
number,  and,  not  the  least  of  them  all,  Robert  Lovell, 
husbandman,  with  Elizabeth  his  wife,  and  children, 
Anne,  Zacheus,  and  John,  with  Ellen  and  James,  the 
year-old  twins.  He  was  accompanied  by  his  servant, 
Joseph  Chicken,  a  lad  of  sixteen  years,  and,  perhaps, 
Alice  Kinham,  a  maiden  of  twenty-two.  Robert  Lovell 
was  at  this  time  forty  years  old  and  Elizabeth,  his 
wife,  thirty-five.3  Evidently  he  was  a  farmer  in  comfort 
able  circumstances. 

The  location  of  his  earliest  grants  is  not  known  with 
absolute  certainty,  the  records  of  the  town  for  that 
period  being  for  the  most  part  wanting;  but  very  early 
documents  in  the  Probate  Office  and  Registry  of  Deeds? 
of  Suffolk  County,  make  mention  of  John  LovelFs  pas 
ture  on  King  Oak  Hill,  and  the  well  established  fact 
that  the  residence  of  Capt.  Enoch  Lovell,  a  grandson 
of  Robert,  lay  upon  the  eastern  slope  of  that  hill,  and 
was  given  by  will  to  his  son  Joshua,4  under  date  of 
July  18,  1738,  he  being  then  sixty-eight  years  of  age? 
indicates  the  spot  very  nearly.  It  is  now  owned  by  a 
daughter  of  the  seventh  generation  of  successive  dwell 
ers  of  that  family  upon  the  same  spot. 

James,  one  of  the  year-old  twins  named  in  the  list 


1  Hottcn.     Early  Emigrants,  page  284. 

2  Boston  Town  Records. 

3  Hotten.     Early  Emigrants,  page  285. 

4  Suffolk  Probate,  lib.  62,  fol.  632. 


23 


of  emigrants,  and  his  wife  Jane,  were  the  parents  of  a 
large  family,  the  best  known  of  whom,  Capt.  Enoch,  was 
born  Dec.  29,  1670,1  and  the  births  of  seven  other  chil 
dren  stand  upon  the  record.  Capt.  Enoch,  a  man  of 
note  and  influence  in  town,  married  Mary,  daughter  of 
Thomas  Reed,  and  their  fourth  child,  David,  the  father 
of  the  subject  of  the  present  sketch,  was  born  in  "Wey- 
mouth,  March  6,  1704.  He  being  of  a  studious  turn 
and  of  an  opulent  family,  was  fitted  for  college,  after 
wards  graduating  at  Harvard  with  the  class  of  1725. 
He  married  in  1730  (the  publishment  dates  January  11) 
Mary,  daughter  of  John  and  Mary  (Symes)  Torrey,  and 
after  a  few  years  spent  in  teaching  and  (tradition  says) 
preaching,  died  Nov.  25,  1733,2  leaving  two  f  children^ 
born  in  Abington,  —  Eleanor,  born  Aug.  7,  1730,  and 
Solomon,  born  June  1,  1732  ;3  the  former  of  whom  mar 
ried  Mr.  Joseph  Webb,  and  was  the  mother  of  several 
children.4  The  latter  is  the  subject  of  this  sketch. 

1  Weymouth  Town  Eecords. 

2  Grave  Stone.    Here  Lyes  Buried  j  The  Body  of  Mr  |  David  Lovell  MA  | 
Decd  November  ye  25  |  1733  In  ye  30th  |  Year  of  His  Age  | 

3  Abington  Town  Records. 

4  Weymouth  Town  Records. 


CHAPTEE  II. 

HIS   EARLY   LIFE. 

Or  the  personal  history  of  young  Solomon,  as  boy 
and  youth,  but  very  little  is  known.  The  fact  of  his 
birth  in  a  neighboring  town,  indicates  the  unsettled 
condition  of  his  father's  life,  whose  early  death  changed, 
probably  very  materially,  the  channel  in  which  that 
young  life  was  to  run.  We  have  seen  the  stock  whence 
he  sprung,  on  the  paternal  side ;  while  from  his  mother 
he  inherited  some  of  the  best  blood  of  the  ancient  town. 
Lieut.  John  Torrey,  her  father,  descended  from  Capt. 
"William  Torrey,  the  mother  of  his  wife  being  the 
daughter  of  Capt.  William  Symmes,  of  Charlestown, 
son  of  Rev.  Zachary  Symmes,  of  honorable  fame.  The 
mother  afterward  married  Rev.  Samuel  Torrey,  pastor 
of  the  church  of  Weymouth,  and,  at  her  death, 
bequeathed  all  of  her  wearing  apparel  to  her  daughter 
Mary  Torrey.1 

Although  he  was  not,  like  his  father,  one  of  "  Har 
vard's  favored  sons,"  yet  his  education  was  by  no  means 
neglected;  for  he  was  fully  qualified,  in  that  particular, 
to  fill,  with  credit  and  dignity,  the  many  important 
positions  to  which  he  was  afterwards  called.  And  it  is 
more  than  probable  that,  besides  the  primitive  schools 
of  the  period,  he  enjoyed  the  privilege  of  the  best 
private  instruction,  and  studied,  as  was  the  custom  of 
the  wealthy  classes,  with  his  pastor,  Rev.  William 
Smith,  no  mean  scholar  in  the  learning  of  the  times, 

1  Suffolk  Probate,  lib.  22,  fol.  115. 


Albertype.— Forhos  CV  Boston 


CAPT.  ENOCH  LOVELL'S   HOUSE. 

THE    EARLY    HOME   OF    SOLOMON    LOVELL.      NOW    STANDING    ON 
COMMERCIAL    STREET. 


25 


and   widely  known   as    the    father    of    Mrs.    Abigail 
Adams. 

The  death  of  his  father,  at  the  early  age  of  thirty 
years,  left  young  Solomon  an  orphan  in  his  second 
year,  under  the  care,  probably,  of  his  grandfather, 
Capt.  Enoch  Lovell,  his  mother  having  re-married  when 
he  was  five  years  old.  On  the  death  of  his  grandfather, 
which  took  place  when  the  lad  had  but  just  passed  his 
fourteenth  year,  Solomon  selected  as  his  guardian1  his 
step-father,  Lieut.  Samuel  Kingman.  This  judicious 
selection  had,  doubtless,  great  influence  in  shaping 
his  future  life,  and  in  forming  that  manful  character 
that  afterwards  stood  him  in  such  good  stead.  By 
his  guardian  he  was  early  initiated  into  all  of  the 
mysteries  of  the  art  of  husbandry,  as  practised  at  that 
day;  and  from  him,  also,  he  probably  imbibed  that  love 
for  military  science  which  influenced  him  through  life. 

Here,  upon  his  grandfather's  farm,  a  large  portion  of 
which  he  inherited  on  attaining  his  majority,  it  mry 
be  safely  supposed,  he  passed  the  following  decade  in 
the  peaceable  occupation  of  a  farmer,  his  sister  having 
married  in  1750.  Even  in  this  quiet  life,  he  could  hardly 
have  been  an  indifferent  spectator  of  the  affairs  of  his 
own  town,  or  the  ofttimes  stirring  scenes  going  on 
among  the  near  and  remote  colonies.  We  may  imagine 
him  a  diligent  student  of  events  in  the  political  world, 
watching,  with  careful  eye  the  difficult  problems  that 
were  fast  hastening  to  a  bloody  solution,  and  fitting 
himself,  by  close  application,  for  the  prominent  part  he 
afterwards  played  in  them.  The  narrow  limits  of  his 
ancestral  inheritance,  and  the  staid  life  of  a  country 
farm,  could  never  have  been  wholly  congenial  to  the 
active  temperament  and  military  spirit  of  the  young 
man;  and  the  relations  existing  between  the  colonies 

1  Suffolk  Probate,  lib.  39,  fol.  404. 


26 

and  the  home  government  were  such  as  gave  promise 
of  a  much  larger  exercise  of  those  qualities  that  were 
awakening  within  him  than  had  yet  fallen  to  his  lot. 
Agencies  were  already  actively  at  work  which  would, 
not  many  years  hence,  rend  asunder  the  most  powerful 
empire  of  the  world. 

For  a  long  time,  although  they  were  nominally  at 
peace,  an  actual  state  of  hostilities  had  existed  all  along 
the  western  frontier,  between  the  two  great  powers, 
whose  sway  divided  the  continent,  each  determined  on 
the  supremacy.  The  jealousies  of  the  French  and 
English  settlers,  from  Canada  to  the  Cumberland,  were 
so  great,  the  grasping  ambition  of  their  respective 
governments  so  far-reaching,  and  the  warlike  savages 
such  convenient  and  willing  instruments,  that  acts  of 
hostility  were-  constantly  occurring,  and  each  act  was 
remembered  and  laid  up  in  store  against  a  day  of  final 
reckoning,  which  was  sure  to  come. 

The  French  court,  while  publicly  condemning  these 
occurrences,  and  making  the  strongest  protestations  of 
peace,  were,  in  numberless  ways,  urging  matters  to  such 
a  condition,  that,  when  the  crisis  should  come,  they 
would  be  in  the  best  possible  position  to  take  advantage 
of  it.  They  were,  in  the  meantime,  strengthening  their 
old  posts,  establishing  new  ones  at  the  most  advanta 
geous  points  over  the  disputed  territory,  and  cultivating 
and  extending  friendly  relations  with  their  savage  allies, 
among  most  of  whose  tribes  there  had  long  existed  the 
active  missions  of  the  Jesuit  fathers;  so  that  their  far- 
sighted  and  sagacious  policy,  through  the  activity  of 
their  religious  and  military  agents,  extended  over  the 
whole  of  that  vast  territory  lying  to  the  westward  of  the 
Alleghanies,  and  to  the  northward,  from  Central  ISTew 
York  beyond  Lakes  George  and  Champlain  and  the 
Mohawk.  Thus  was  created  a  network  of  fortifications, 
and  an  enthusiastic  combination  of  Indian  tribes,  which, 


27 

with  their  own  forces,  were  amply  sufficient,  under  ordi 
nary  conditions,  to  enable  them  to  overcome  any  force 
that  might  be  brought  against  them,  and  would  have 
done  so,  but  for  a  consideration  unfortunately  overlooked 
by  them  —  the  intense  vitality  and  the  unwavering  obsti 
nacy  of  the  English  character,  which,  in  spite  of  its 
blunders,  in  the  end  wrested  the  victory  from  them. 

~Nor  were  the  English  managers  at  all  behind  in 
duplicity  and  diplomatic  plottings;  but,  with  less  skill 
in  their  exercise,  they  fell  far  behind  their  more  shrewd 
and  subtle  enemies 'in  the  contest.1  The  irritating  proc 
esses  continually  going  on  were  not  without  their 
result.  In  1755,  these  incipient  hostilities  broke  out 
into  open  war,  and  each  party,  according  to  its  own 
ideas,  began  preparations  for  active  operations.  But 
the  French,  being  in  possession  of  the  ground,  and 
having  nearly  completed  their  arrangements,  had  alto 
gether  the  advantage  of  their  more  obtuse  and  less  alert 
opponents.  They  had  simply  to  hold  their  positions, 
with  such  additional  strengthening  as  circumstances 
should,  from  time  to  time,  suggest;  while  the  English, 
with  their  proverbial  mismanagement,  pursued  their 
traditional  policy,  and  the  victory  that  finally  resulted 
was  only  attained  at  the  expense  of  many  a  severe  dis 
aster,  and  an  immense  expenditure  of  life  and  treasure, 
by  the  obstinate  valor  of  their  heroic  troops,  and  the 
better  councils  that  finally  prevailed. 

Nothing  daunted,  however,  by  the  unpromising  aspect 
of  the  situation,  the  home  government,  at  the  Court  of 
St.  James,  set  about  their  work  with  a  comprehensive 
ness  and  vigor  that  promised  grand  results;  though  the 
very  narrowness  of  their  own  local  territory  poorly 
qualified  them  to  comprehend  the  nature  and  extent  of 

1  See  any  of  the  general  histories  of  that  period  ;  the  differences  consisting 
in  the  manner  of  statement,  rather  than  in  the  facts.  Bancroft,  Parkman 
and  others. 


28 


the  work  before  them.  Not  that  the  general  plan  of 
the  campaign  was  not  extensive  and  complete  enough ; 
but,  rather,  that  the  means  provided  for  its  development 
were  better  adapted  to  the  shorter  distances  and  more 
open  country  of  Western  Europe,  than  to  the  almost 
boundless  and  unknown  wastes  of  the  new  continent. 
Still,  since  the  campaign  was  to  be  carried  on  in  that 
new  continent,  and  principally  at  its  expense,  in  blood 
and  pounds,  while  the  success,  should  it  finally  come, 
could  not  fail  to  profit  the  mother  country,  perhaps  it 
did  not  matter  so  much. 

It  has  been  observed  that  the  plan  was  comprehensive 
enough;  and,  in  fact,  it  embraced,  virtually,  nothing 
short  of  the  subjection  of  the  entire  territory,  and  the 
total  expulsion  of  the  French  possessors  from  its  bor 
ders,  although  that  was  not  the  intent  acknowledged. 
Four  principal  points  were  to  be  simultaneously  at 
tacked,  and  each  by  a  force  judged  sufficient  to  ensure 
complete  success.  The  northern  division,  intended  for 
the  expulsion  of  the  French  from  the  lands  "wrongfully 
held  by  them,"  in  Nova  Scotia,  under  the  command  of 
Lieut.-Col.  Monckton,  with  the  troops  of  that  province, 
assisted  by  men  from  Massachusetts  and  other  New 
England  colonies,  effected  its  object;  but,  as  that  was 
mainly  subsidiary  to  the  work  of  the  other  divisions,  the 
principal  interest  centered  in  them. 

The  most  powerful  and  best-appointed  of  all,  and 
that  upon  which  the  success  or  failure  of  the  year's 
campaign,  as  a  whole,  depended,  was  the  force  destined 
to  act  against  Fort  Duquesne,  a  strong  post  at  the 
junction  of  the  Alleghany  and  Monongahela  rivers  in 
western  Pennsylvania  (now  Pittsburgh),  and  a  very 
important  one,  since  it  was  so  situated  that  from  it 
excursions  could  easily  be  made  into  the  frontier  set 
tlements  of  Pennsylvania,  Maryland  and  Virginia.  It 
was  also  a  source  of  perpetual  alarm  to  the  exposed 


29 


colonists.  It  will  be  remembered,  too,  as  the  scene  of 
one  of  Washington's  early  expeditions.  It  was  natu 
rally  a  strong  position,  and  had  been  rendered  much 
more  so  by  regular  fortifications  and  a  permanent  gar 
rison  of  French  troops,  with  a  large  allied  force  of 
Canadians  and  Indians,  under  the  command  of  Cap 
tain  de  ContrecoBur,  a  prompt  and  resolute  officer. 

The  fate  of  the  fine  army  under  General  Braddock 
sent  to  reduce  that  fortress,  and  Washington's  connec 
tion  with  it,  are  too  well  known  to  need  more  than 
simple  mention.  The  splendid  start,  with  its  grand 
flourish  of  banner  and  trumpet;  the  long  and  toilsome 
march  through  the  wilderness;  the  utter  surprise  of 
the  vain  and  foolhardy  commander;  his  total  defeat 
and  death,  with  the  horrible  massacre  and  annihilation 
of  his  troops  that  followed,  form  a  story  with  which 
every  school-boy  is  familiar. 

The  destruction  of  this  army,  and  the  consequent 
failure  of  the  expedition,  paralyzed  that  of  Governor 
Shirley,  operating  against  Niagara,  which  had  been 
detained  at  Albany  by  red  tape,  incapacity,  and  their 
always  accompanying  misfortunes,  until  the  season  was 
far  advanced.  The  news  of  Braddock's  defeat  was  so 
disheartening  that,  before  they  had  sufficiently  recov 
ered  from  it  to  make  an  advance,  the  time  to  attempt 
anything  of  consequence  had  gone  by,  and  the  further 
prosecution  of  the  enterprise,  other  than  the  erection 
of  a  couple  of  weak  forts  at  Oswego,  was  postponed 
until  the  following  spring. 

The  redeeming  feature  of  the  campaign  was  the  acci 
dental  victory  of  General,  afterwards  Sir  William  John 
son,  over  Baron  de  Dieskau  on  the  shores  of  Lake 
George,  in  which  the  Weymouth  volunteers  partici 
pated.  To  that  point  the  men  from  that  town  of  the 
following  year  were  sent.  This  fight  opened  with  a 
defeat  in  consequence  of  the  wrant  of  skill  on  the  part 


30 

of  the  English  commander,  and  was  changed  to  a  bril 
liant  victory  only  through  the  desperate  valor  and 
stubborn  resistance  of  the  New  England  troops,  after 
Jqhnson,  slightly  wounded,  had  retired  from  the  field. 
His  subsequent  failure  to  follow  up  the  success  ren 
dered  the  result  fruitless,  otherwise  than  as  a  stimulant 
to  new  efforts  in  carrying  out,  during  the  following 
season,  the  great  idea  of  this  campaign,  the  expulsion 
of  the  French  from  Canada.  Johnson  busied  himself 
in  building  Fort  William  Henry,  and  other  equally  use 
less  operations,  until  the  season  was  over,  when  he  dis 
missed  the  New  England  troops.  The  accidental 
lustre,  however,  of  this  affair,  brought  him  a  gratuity 
of  five  thousand  pounds  and  a  baronetcy,  with  the 
superintendency  of  Indian  affairs.1  Thus,  with  the 
failure  of  the  two  most  important  expeditions,  -the 
close  of  the  season  of  1755  found  the  rival  nations 
in  very  nearly  the  same  relative  positions  as  at  the 
beginning,  the  advantage  being  with  the  French. 

1  Irving's  Washington,  yol,  1,  page  238. 


31 


CHAPTEK  III. 


THE    FRENCH    WAR. 

NOTWITHSTANDING  the  discouragements  of  the  previ 
ous  season,  instead  of  becoming  disheartened,  the  spring 
of  1756  found  a  new  life  infused  into  the  military  opera 
tions;  and  all  over  New  England,  recruiting  for  the  en 
suing  campaign  was  active  and  promising.  Among  the 
men  taken  from  Colonel  Lincoln's  regiment  for  the 
Crown  Point  Expedition  of  1755,  were  the  names  of 
nine  AYey  mouth  men.1  Doubtless  there  were  others  in 
the  different  companies  and  regiments;  but  the  rolls, 
in  a  large  number  of  cases,  do  not  name  the  resi 
dences  of  the  men;  therefore  it  is  impossible  to  deter 
mine. 

In  the  campaign  of  1756,  there  were  between  thirty 
and  forty  Weymouth  men,  including  the  most  of  those 
who  had  served  the  previous  year,  mostly  in  the  com 
pany  of  Maj.  Samuel  Thaxter  of  Hingham,  Col.  Rich 
ard  Gridley's  regiment,  for  service  in  the  force  under 
the  command  of  Gen.  John  Winslow  of  Marshfield,  who 
had  taken  his  place  at  the  head  of  the  Crown  Point 

1  See  Colonel  Lincoln's  Return,  Oct.  2,  1755.     State  Archives,  vol.  93. 
Capt.  Samuel  Thaxter's  (of  Hingham)  company. 
The  names  of  the  men  were :  — 

Lieut.  Wm.  Whitmarsh,  Ensign  Nath'l  Bayley. 

John  Canterbury,  Jonathan  Darby, 

Hezekiah  White,  Benjamin  Tirrell, 

Joseph  Truefant.  Stephen  Saulsbury, 
Silas  Lovell. 


32 


Expedition,  as  successor  to  Governor  Shirley.1  Among 
the  names  of  these  volunteers  is  found  that  of  First 
Lieut.  Solomon  Lovell,  then  a  young  man  of  twenty- 
four  years.  Doubtless  he  had  some  military  reputation, 
since  he  appears  upon  the  rolls  as  first  lieutenant  in 
the  company  of  his  neighbor,  Maj.  Samuel  Thaxter  of 
Hingham.  The  dangers  of  a  frontier  warfare  were  but 
an  incentive  to  his  resolute  spirit,  when  that  service 
was  to  eventuate  in  the  protection  of  his  own  com 
monwealth,  although  so  far  removed  from  the  scene  of 
conflict. 

At  Lake  George,  he  was  to  mingle  with  a  multitude 
of  kindred  spirits,  many  of  whom  afterwards  rose  to 
eminence  in  the  military  annals  of  their  country,  and 
among  them  all,  none  more  famous  than  Lieut.  Israel 

1  The  following  list,  made  up  from  the  various  muster  rolls  of  the 
troops  engaged  in  that  campaign,  and  found  in  the  State  Archives,  Bos 
ton,  vols.  93,  94  and  95,  is  believed  to  be  very  nearly  correct :  — 

First  Lieut.  Solomon  Lovell. 


Sergt.  Caleb  Eldddge, 

"      Jonathan  Darby,  Jun., 
"       Thomas  Cushing, 

Silas  Lovell, 

Benjamin  Tirrell, 

Joseph  Pratt,  3d, 

Noah  Bates, 

William  Richards, 

Joseph  Ford, 

Lemuel  Barbar, 

Joseph  Blanchard, 

Ebenezer  Tirrell, 

John  Lincoln, 

James  Nash, 

William  Rice, 

Humphrey  Burrell, 

Isaac  Pool, 


Corp.  John  Canterbury,  Jun., 

"      Benjamin  Nash, 

"      James  Hunt. 
Stephen  Canterbury, 
Joseph  Trufant, 
William  Holbrook,  Jun., 
Benjamin  Richards, 
Samuel  Or  cut  t, 
David  Orcutt, 
Stephen  Saulsbury, 
William  Salisbury, 
Thomas  Colson,  Jun., 
Nehemiah  Joy, 
John  Randall  Vining, 
Isaac  Joy, 
William  Bates, 
Nathaniel  Blanchard. 


(The  last-named,  and  Benjamin  Nash,  should  perhaps  be  credited  to 
Braintree  )  Of  these,  six  died  during  the  campaign :  Thomas  Cushing, 
John  Canterbury,  James  Hunt,  William  Holbrook,  Benjamin  Richards, 
John  Randall  Vining.  The  term  of  service  was  from  February  to  Novem 
ber,  about  nine  months. 


33 


Putnam,  one  of  the  heroes  of  the  victory  of  the  previous 
season,  whose  commission  as  second  lieutenant,  dated 
just  six  days  before  that  engagement,  did  not  reach  him 
until  after  the  battle  was  over. 

The  campaign  of  1756  was  inspired  by  the  same  gen 
eral  idea  which  governed  that  of  the  previous  year,  al 
though  differing  somewhat  in  its  details  —  the  expulsion 
of  the  French  from  Canada,  and  thus  ridding  the  con 
tinent  of  them.  Now,  the  line  of  communication  be 
tween  Canada  and  the  Ohio  Valley  was  to  be  severed 
by  the  capture  of  Niagara  ;  Crown  Point  must  be  re 
duced,  since  it  presented  a  standing  menace  to  the 
Hudson  River  country,  and  afforded  an  easy  gate  of 
entrance  into  New  York  and  New  England,  from  the 
landward  ;  while,  as  less  important  positions,  and  for 
the  purpose  of  drawing  off  the  attention  of  the  enemy 
from  the  real  objective  points,  Fort  Duquesne  was  to 
be  invested  and  Quebec  threatened.  Conscious  of  the 
causes  of  previous  failures,  the  ministry  determined  to 
overcome  them  ;  though  with  an  inveterate  stupidity  of 
which  only  an  English'  ministry  could  be  guilty,  they 
actually  undertook  to  do  this,  by  repeating  the  same 
blunders,  only  on  a  more  magnificent  scale  ;  making  a 
change  of  commanders,  but  not  of  policy  or  mea 
sures. 

Braddock  was  succeeded  by  the  Earl  of  Loudoun,  a 
man  possessed  of  all  the  perverse  qualities  of  his  pred 
ecessor,  without  even  his  few  redeeming  features. 
General  Shirley  retired  to  give  place  to  General  Aber- 
crombie,  merely  the  exchange  of  a  military  imbecile,  for 
one  possessed  with  a  European  reputation,  but  equally 
lacking  in  enterprise  and  judgment.  The  summer  w^as 
frittered  away  in  pompous  pretensions  and  dilatory 
preparations  ;  the  New  England  troops,  in  the  mean 
time,  fretting  themselves  in  their  inactivity,  were, 
nevertheless,  learning  one  of  the  necessary  qualities  of 


34 

good  soldiers,  patience,  with  something  of  discipline  and 
experience,  so  indispensable  to  military  success. 

While  this  display  of  ignorance  and  imbecility  was 
going  on  within  the  English  lines,  a  far  different  state 
of  affairs  was  transpiring  in  the  counsels  and  in  the 
actions  of  their  enemies.  The  Marquis  de  Montcalm, 
the  new  French  commander,  a  man  of  signal  ability,  full 
of  intense  activity  and  enterprise,  was  pressing  his  re 
sources  to  the  utmost.  Taking  in  the  whole  field  of 
operations  to  their  fullest  extent,  he  penetrated  at  a 
glance  the  designs  of  the  English,  and  prepared,  by  the 
most  vigorous  measures,  to  counteract  and  overcome 
them.  Paying  but  little  attention  to  the  northern  and 
southern  outposts,  he  visited  and  strengthened  Ticon- 
deroga  and  Crown  Point,  massed  his  forces  and  as 
cended  the  St.  Lawrence  to  the  mouth  of  the  Oswego, 
capturing,  with  hardly  an  effort,  the  twro  English  forts 
built  by  Shirley  in  1755  •  thus,  at  a  single  blow  putting 
a  check  upon  the  beautiful  paper  campaign  of  his 
egotistical  opponents.  The  activity  and  success  of 
Montcalm  completely  paralyzed  the  little  vitality  that 
remained  to  the  English  commanders,  and  nothing  was 
accomplished  during  the  season.  The  "Weymouth  troops, 
after  lingering  around  the  romantic  shores  of  Lake 
George  till  winter  was  about  to  set  in,  were  discharged, 
and  left  for  home,  after  having  spent  three-quarters  of 
a  year  in  endeavoring  to  effect  the  results  of  a  cam 
paign  without  brains  to  direct  them  ;  no  fault  of  theirs, 
however,  as  subsequent  events  proved. 

The  campaign  of  1757,  was  almost  a  repetition  of 
those  of  the  two  preceding  years,  substituting  the 
massacre  at  Fort  William  Henry  for  the  capture  of 
Oswego  ;  and  it  was  not  until  the  spring  of  1758,  that 
the  English  affairs,  under  the  able  leadership  of  Pitt, 
began  to  assume  a  different  aspect.  The  new  ministry, 
equally  jealous  of  the  power  of  France  and  her  hold 


35 

upon  the  American  continent,  and  just  as  determined 
to  dispossess  her  of  that  hold,  proceeded  to  action  in 
stead  of  wasting  the  time  in  fruitless  counsels.  The 
powerful  fortress  of  Louisburg,  deemed  by  the  French, 
and  English,  also,  well-nigh  impregnable,  was  taken  after 
a  memorable  siege  by  General  Amherst.  In  the  north 
west,  General  Bradstreet  captured  the  strong  position 
of  Fort  Frontenac,  while  Fort  Duquesne  fell  into  the 
hands  of  General  Forbes  ;  but  to  offset  in  a  measure 
these  grand  successes,  Lord  Abercrombie,  with  a  force 
of  sixteen  thousand  men,  met  with  a  terrible  defeat  before 
the  walls  of  Ticonderoga  ;  the  result  of  a  remnant  of 
disaster  entailed  from  the  previous  ministry,  all  of 
whose  blunders  the  new  could  not  at  once  overcome. 

The  succeeding  season,  1759,  was  memorable  for  its 
almost  invariable  English  successes.  The  defeat  of  the 
French  at  Niagara  by  Sir  William  Johnson  ;  the  cap 
ture  of  Ticonderoga  by  General  Amherst,  and  the  bril 
liant  victory  of  Wolfe  over  Montcalm  on  the  plains  of 
Abraham,  put  an  end  to  the  power  of  the  French  in 
North  America,  and  the  colonies,  with  comparative 
peace  for  nearly  a  score  of  years,  were  permitted,  under 
many  irritating  restrictions  and  grinding  burdens  of 
taxation,  to  grow  up  to  so  strong  a  manhood,  that  they 
were  able  to  maintain  their  independence  against  one  of 
the  strongest  nations  of  Europe. 


36 


CIIAPTEK  IV. 

DOMESTIC    LIFE. 

WHETHEK  or  not  an  unwonted  ripple  in  his  domestic 
affairs  was  in  any  degree,  instrumental  in  sending 
young  Lovell  into  the  Crown  Point  Expedition,  and 
thus  shaping  to  some  extent  his  military  future,  history 
does  not  inform  us  ;  but  it  is  quite  certain,  that  shortly 
after  this  a  change  came  over  his  social  condition,  and 
he  was  married,  Jan.  19,  1758,  to  Lydia,  the  daughter 
of  his  neighbor,  Deacon  John  Holbrook,  who  was  also 
of  the  old  emigrant  stock,  the  deacon  being  great-grand 
son  to  Thomas  Holbrook,  one  of  the  Hull  company  in 
1635,  a  companion  of  Robert,  the  ancestor  of  the 
Lovells.  Tradition  says  that  this  marriage  was  the 
result  of  a  reaction  in  the  affections  of  young  Solomon, 
he  having  first  set  his  longing  eyes  upon  the  comely 
person  of  Miss  Hannah  Pittey,  who  looked,  or  pre 
tended  to  look,  with  small  favor  upon  his  suit,  and 
rejected  his  proposals.  Subsequent  events  seem  to  sus 
tain  this  tradition.  He  was  not  long,  however,  permit 
ted  to  enjoy  this  marriage  relation,  for  his  wife  died 
May  21,  1761,  at  the  birth  of  her  second  child,  the  first 
having  died  in  infancy  in  1759.1 

After  the  death  of  his  wife  Lydia,  his  first  love  came 
back  to  him,  the  object  of  that  earlier  choice  being  yet 
single,  and  a  second  proposal  from  the  young  farmer, 
more  successful  than  the  first,  was  accepted,  the  mar 
riage  taking  place  in  May,  1762.  Mrs.  Hannah,  was 

1  Wey mouth  Town  Records. 


37 

the  daughter  of  James  and  Hannah  (Reed)  Pittey, 
born  Dec.  8,  1730,  and  consequently  about  a  year 
and  a  half  the  senior  of  her  husband.  The  marriage 
was  a  happy  one  as  far  as  can  be  learned  ;  and  from  it 
there  sprung  seven  children,  four  of  whom  died  in  child 
hood.  From  the  top  of  King  Oak  Hill,  no  doubt  he  had 
often  looked  down  over  the  broad  acres  that  formed 
the  fertile  farm  of  his  future  father-in-law,  with  a  strong 
desire  to  unite  it  with  his  already  ample  estate,  and 
the  time  had  now  come  when  the  fact  was  accomplished. 
He  soon  left  his  old  homestead  to  the  use  of  his 
sister  Eleanor,  Mrs.  Webb,1  and  removed  with  his  fam 
ily  to  "Old  Spain,"  the  local  name  of  that  part  of 
North  AVeymouth  beyond  the  old  burying-ground  and 
bordering  upon  the  bay,  taking  the  old  home  of  his 
wife,  making  it  with  some  additions,  his  residence  dur 
ing  the  remainder  of  his  life,  and  leaving  it  by  will, 
at  his  death,  to  his  son,  Dr.  James  Lovell,2  at  whose 
death,  in  1820,  without  issue,  it  was  sold,  passing  out 
of  the  family.  This  mansion,  occupied  as  a  tenement- 
house  and  retaining  somewhat  its  general  appearance 
in  the  palmy  days  of  its  old  proprietor,  General  Lovell, 
still  stands  upon  Neck  Street,  not  far  from  Bridge 
Street,  and  is  about  half  a  mile  to  the  eastward  of  the 
village  of  "  Old  Spain." 


1  Family  tradition. 

2  Norfolk  Probate,  lib.  7,  fol.  571. 


38 


CHAPTEE  V. 

PUBLIC   SERVICES. 

after  his  first  marriage,  his  real  settlement  in 
life,  he  began,  as  a  good  citizen,  to  turn  his  attention 
to  the  affairs  of  his  native  town,  and  to  interest  him 
self  in  its  welfare.  From  this  time  forward  until  near 
the  day  of  his  death,  except  when  called  away  upon 
military  business,  he  was  almost  constantly  employed 
in  important  town  affairs,  holding  responsible  offices, 
and  was  evidently  looked  up  to  as  a  man  of  prudence 
and  sagacity,  in  whose  hands  the  interests  of  the  town 
would  not  suffer. 

His  earliest  employment  in  this  direction  was  on  May 
19,  1760,  when  he  was  chosen  one  of  a  committee  to 
ascertain  the  boundaries  of  the  town  property  at  the 
various  landings.  These  had  long  been  in  dispute,  and 
were  the  objects  of  frequent  trespass.  It  was  a  matter 
requiring  much  tact  and  discretion,  as  well  as  personal 
acquaintance  with  the  subject,  and  the  selection  of  a 
young  man  to  this  important  position,  as  his  first  public 
business,  is  sufficient  evidence  of  the  estimation  in  which 
he  was  held  by  his  townsmen.1 

In  1770  he  was  chosen  upon  a  committee  to  examine 
the  town  treasurer's  accounts,  a  position  in  those  days 
much  more  responsible  in  the  opinion  of  the  town  than 
at  present.  Here  he  appears  for  the  first  time  upon 
record  under  the  designation  of  w  Captain."2  Evidently 

J  Weymouth  Town  Record,  vol.  1,  page  398. 
2  Weymouth  Town  Records,  vol.  1,  page  435. 


39 


he  had  not  lost  his  interest  in  military  affairs,  but  retain 
ing  his  connection  with  them,  still  occupied  a  prominent 
position. 

The  succeeding  year,  1771,  he  was  chosen  representa 
tive  to  the  General  Court.  At  this  time  the  difficulties 
between  the  colonies  and  the  home  government  were 
assuming  a  serious  aspect,  and  fast  approaching  a 
crisis,  when  men  of  the  soundest  discretion,  the  wisest 
and  best,  were  demanded  for  the  highest  positions  and 
elected  to  fill  them.  This  was  but  the  beginning  of  many 
years  of  service  in  that  capacity,  a  service  always  result 
ing,  as  far  as  record  and  tradition  show,  in  profit  to 
the  town  and  credit  to  himself.  This  year,  in  July,  he 
was  advanced  one  grade  in  military  rank,  being  chosen 
second  major  of  the  Second  Regiment  of  Suffolk 
Militia.1 

In  the  earlier  years  of  the  colony  the  iron-ore  used 
in  manufactures  was  found  mostly  near  the  surface,  and 
in  neighborhoods  where  it  was  needed  for  use;  and 
among  the  most  abundant  and  available  sources  of  sup 
ply  were  the  bottoms  of  the  larger  ponds,2  which  were 
dredged  for  the  purpose,  several  of  those  in  Weymouth 
being  quite  valuable,  those  of  Great,  Whitman's,  and 
Whortleberry  Ponds  affording  the  town  a  considerable 
revenue.  So  rich  were  they  considered  that  they  were 
sought  after  by  manufacturers  from  other  towns.  The 
negotiation  and  disposition  of  these  privileges  was  a 
subject  of  nice  discrimination  and  good  judgment,  and 
the  town  was  in  the  habit  of  putting  its  best  men 
upon  that  duty.  In  1773,  the  old  contract  having 
expired,  the  town  appointed  *Capt.  Asa  White,  Major 
Solomon  Lovell,  and  Cotton  Tufts,  Esq.,  as  a  committee 
to  negotiate  a  new  sale  of  this  important  privilege, 

1  State  Archives,  vol.  99,  page  887.     His  royal  commission  dates  March 
4,  1773. 

2  Weymouth  Town  Records,  vol.  2,  pages  2  and  3. 


40 

which  was  concluded,  much  to  the  satisfaction  of  the 
citizens,  with  Mr.  Thomas  Holbrook  of  Pembroke,  for 
a  term  of  thirty  years. 

Up  to  this  time  the  records  indicate  that  the  town,  by 
official  action,  had  paid  but  little  attention  to  colonial 
or  provincial  affairs.  These  matters  were  the  subject 
of  much  discussion  and  frequent  action  in  the  General 
Court,  and  in  the  Provincial  Congress,  causing  intense 
excitement;  and  since  individual  as  well  as  public  inter 
ests  were  at  stake,  and  these  could  be  protected  in  no 
way  so  well  as  by  combinations  of  individuals  acting 
for  the  common  good,  this  began  to  be  done,  and 
committees  of  correspondence  were  formed  in  the  sev 
eral  towns,  unions  of  various  kinds  contemplated  or 
completed,  and  these  in  turn  combined  into  larger  or 
ganizations  of  the  same  nature,  so  that  the  whole  of 
the  English  colonies  scattered  from  the  Canadian  fron 
tier  to  the  Spanish  possessions  upon  the  Gulf  of  Mex 
ico  were  rapidly  acquiring  the  means  by  which  a 
common  agreement  could  be  entered  into,  and  by  which 
they  could  act  together  for  the  good  of  the  whole. 
The  town  meeting  was  the  place  where  the  general 
feeling  of  the  people  first  took  tangible  form.  From 
these  gatherings  it  was  that  the  General  Court  and  the 
Provincial  Congress  learned  wrhat  was  expected  of 
them,  and  where  they  were  to  look  for  support  in  the 
critical  times  that  were  upon  them.  Here  the  leaders 
in  all  popular  movements  could  and  did  freely  express 
their  opinions  upon  all  matters  of  governmental  concern, 
some  of  the  noblest  utterances  that  have  been  handed 
down  to  us  from  that  exciting  period  coming  from  these 
primary  assemblages. 

Ever  active  in  carrying  forward  the  general  interests, 
and  pronounced  in  all  his  views,  Major  Lovell  was  one 
of  the  foremost  in  opposing  the  encroachments  of  the 
crown,  and  these  efforts  found  their  public  utterance 


41 

first  in  the  town  meeting.  He  was  always  found  upon 
committee  when  matters  of  political  importance  were  to 
be  considered,  and  was  one  of  the  foremost  to  carry  out 
the  measures  there  decided  on.  At  a  special  meeting 
of  the  town,  held  Jan.  3,  1774,  of  which  Major  James 
Humphrey  was  moderator,  a  letter  was  read  from  the 
Committee  of  Correspondence  in  Boston,  with  copies  of 
the  votes  and  proceedings  of  that  town  at  meetings 
held  November  the  5th  and  18th  with  regard  to  the 
cargoes  of  teas  daily  expected  from  the  East  India 
Company's  warehouses  in  London,  suggesting  the  co 
operation  of  the  several  towns  in  resisting  the  introduc 
tion  of  this  obnoxious  article,  —  obnoxious,  because  it 
was  subjected  to  a  duty  imposed  by  act  of  Parliament. 
The  matter  was  discussed  and  the  question  presented 
for  action  in  the  form  of  a  resolve,  "  not  to  purchase  nor 
use  any  of  the  East  India  Company's  teas  of  any  kind 
(excepting  such  as  they  might  now  have  on  hand)  until 
the  act  of  Parliament,  laying  a  duty  thereon,  be  re 
pealed;"  and  the  resolution  passed  uby  a  Great  Ma 
jority."1 

Cotton  Tufts,  Esq.,  Major  Lovell,  Deacon  Nathaniel 
Bayley,  Mr.  Jacob  Goold  and  Mr.  Ebenezer  Colson 
were  appointed  a  committee  to  prepare  further  resolves, 
and  report  at  a  future  meeting.  They  were  also  "  to 
prepare  a  suitable  instrument  for  the  people,  not  now 
present,  to  sign  if  they  see  cause,  that  the  minds  of  the 
people  may  be  known."  Accordingly  such  a  document 
was  prepared,  and  at  a  meeting  held  December  10  it  was 
presented  and  signed,  through  a  singular  coincidence,  by 
just  one  hundred  and  twenty-three  men  from  each 
Precinct,  showing  an  almost  unanimous  feeling,  in 
which  they  agreed  to  abide  by  the  recommendation  of 
the  Continental  Congress  in  respect  to  the  matter  in 
hand.  In  January  following  a  committee  was  chosen, 

1  Wey mouth  Town  Records,  vol.  2,  page  6. 


42 


one  of  whose  members  was  Major  Solomon  Lovell,  to 
see  that  the  Continental  resolve  was  strictly  adhered  to. 
Truly  the  fathers  were  as  zealous  in  doing  as  prompt 
in  pledging. 

The  situation  of  affairs  had  now  become  so  serious 
that  the  town,  at  a  meeting  held  May  2  of  this  year, 
1775,  deemed  it  necessary  to  order  a  military  guard, 
consisting  of  fifteen  persons,  to  serve  for  one  week,  at 
two  pistareens  per  day;  and  on  the  the  9th  of  the  same 
month,  a  Committee  of  Correspondence,  to  act  with 
those  of  the  neighboring  towns,  was  chosen,  consisting 
of  Doctor  Tufts,  Col.  Lovell,  now  colonel  for  the  first 
time  upon  record  (although  it  does  not  appear  that  his 
commission  from  the  Colonial  authorities  was  issued 
until  the  following  February1),  Maj.  Yining,  Capt.  Asa 
White  and  Mr.  Josiah  Colson.2 

In  January,  1775,  the  Council  passed  an  order  direct 
ing  Col.  Lovell  to  take  charge  of  the  boats  belonging 
to  the  Colony,  taken  from  Hospital  Island  and  then 
stationed  at  "Weymouth,  for  the  protection  of  the  coast.3 

The  enthusiasm,  as  well  as  the  patriotism,  of  the  peo 
ple  ran  high  at  this  time.  The  town  adopted  the  most 
energetic  measures  to  put  itself  in  the  best  posture 
for  defence;  and,  under  the  direction  of  wise  coun 
sels,  those  measures  were  as  prudent  and  judicious  as 
they  were  prompt  and  vigorous.  Private  individuals 
also  came  forward  with  their  means,  and  gifts  of  arms 
and  ammunition  were  frequent.  At  a  meeting  held  May 
24,  the  town  voted  to  accept  the  offer  of  two  guns 

1  State  Archives,  vol.  28,  page  89 

*  Weymouth  Town  Records,  vol.  2,  page  17. 

An  account  of  the  organization  of  these  Committees,  at  Arnold's  Tavern 
with  Cotton  Tufts,  Esq.,  Chairman,  and  Capt.  Asa  White,  Clerk,  with  a 
part  of  the  subsequent  proceedings,  were  published,  from  the  original 
record,  by  the  Weymouth  Historical  Society,  in  the  "  Weymouth  Gazette," 
March  14,  lx?9 

3  General  Court  Records,  vol.  31,  page  150. 


43 

(cannons),  and  Cotton  Tufts,  Esq.,  received  a  vote  of 
thanks,  for  his  offer  to  pay  for  their  transportation  from 
Salem. 

At  the  same  meeting,  the  enrolled  soldiers,  —  all  able- 
bodied  males  between  the  ages  of  sixteen  and  sixty 
years,  —  were  ordered  to  meet  on  the  following  day,  for 
the  choice  of  officers,  one  company  for  each  Parish,  the 
town  to  pay  for  the  arms  of  those  who  were  not  able 
to  buy  for  themselves;  also,  to  pay  for  ammunition  for 
the  "swivils,"  "provided  the  Province  does  not"  ;  and 
that  the  bells  should  be  rung  in  case  of  an  alarm. 
Also,  voted  to  accept  the  use  of  two  small  carriage 
guns,  of  three  hundred  pounds  each,  from  Mr.  Rich 
ard  Derby.1 

On  the  first  of  June,  the  town  voted  to  hire  guns  at 
one  dollar  each  for  six  months  for  those  not  able  to 
purchase.  Also,  ordered  the  soldiers  from  sixteen  to 
sixty  to  appear  under  arms,  "on  each  Lord's  day," 
under  a  penalty  of  one  dollar  for  failure  to  appear 
without  arms,  and  two  dollars  for  staying  away  alto 
gether.2 

1  Weymouth  Town  Records,  vol  2,  page  18. 
8  Weymouth  Town  Records,  vol.  2,  page  19. 


44 


CIIAPTEE    VI. 

MILITARY    SERVICE. 

THE  time  when  Col.  Lovell  entered  actively  into  the 
military  service  of  the  State  during  the  Revolution  is 
not  definitely  known,  but  it  must  have  been  quite  early, 
since  his  commission  as  colonel  of  the  Second  Regi 
ment  is  dated  Feb.  7,  1776,1  and  his  regiment  is 
mentioned  as  one  of  those  that  marched  to  Dorchester 
Heights,  March  4,  following.2 

During  the  campaign  of  1776,  we  find  but  little  spe 
cial  mention  of  the  services  of  Col.  Lovell;  but  from  the 
fact  that  his  command  was  in  an  exposed  position  and 
known  to  have  been  upon  active  duty  in  some  of  the 
important  movements  connected  with  the  siege  of  Bos 
ton,  it  is  fair  to  presume  that  he  had  his  full  share 
of  local  duty. 

As  before  mentioned,  his  regiment  was  called  into 
active  service  March  4,  1776,  and  December  8,  of  the 
same  year,  he  was  ordered  to  detach  two  hundred  men 
for  the  defence  of  the  fort  at  Hull,  which,  from  its  ex- 

1  State  Archives,  vol.  28,  page  89,  Muster  Rolls  of  officers  in  Mass.  Regts. 
Suffolk  County  had  been  organized  into  six  military  districts,  of  one  regi 
ment  each;  Boston,  being  one,  and  its  regiment  known  as  the  Boston  regi 
ment;  Roxbury,  Dedham  and  Needham  the  first;  Weymouth,  Ilingham, 
Cohasset  and  Hull,  the  second :  Dorchester,  Milton,  Stoughton  and 
Stoughtonham,  the  third  ;  Medfield,  Wrentham,  Medway,  Walpole  and 
Bellingham,  the  fourth  ;  and  Braintree  the  fifth.  Records  of  the  Council, 
vol.  6,  page  243. 

a  Col.  LovelPs  Regiment  was  on  duty  at  the  time  the  Heights  were 
taken  possession  of,  and  Capt.  Thomas  Nash,  of  the  South  Weymouth 
company,  was  officer  of  the  day.  (Private  tradition ;  State  Archives,  vol. 
21,  page  131.) 


45 

posed  position,  was  in  special  danger  from  the  attacks 
of  the  British  ships  of  war.1 

The  town,  in  the  meantime,  continued  its  exertions 
to  keep  up  its  quota  of  men,  increasing  the  provincial 
bounty  from  thirteen  to  twenty  pounds,  and  afterwards 
adding  to  this  three  pounds  per  month  for  three 
months.  On  the  17th  of  July,  the  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence  was  read  from  the  two  pulpits  of  the  town 
and  entered  in  full  upon  its  records,2  in  accordance  with 
the  order  of  Congress  requiring  it. 

At  a  meeting  held  Feb.  17,  1777,  the  passage  of  a 
vote  regulating  the  prices  of  all  kinds  of  marketable 
articles,  with  a  document  bearing  the  signature  of 
nearly  every  citizen,  evinced  the  cheerfulness  and 
alacrity  with  which  the  people  went  into  the  work  of 
establishing  their  independence.3  On  the  21st  of  the 
same  month,  the  town  bounty  was  advanced  to  eight 
pounds  per  month,  for  three  years.  This  year,  Col. 
Lovell  was  again  chosen  Representative  to  the  General 
Court,  and  was  also  placed  upon  the  committee  for  the 
encouragement  of  recruiting.  His  instructions  as  Rep 
resentative,  dated  May  15,  prepared  by  a  committee  of 
which  Hon.  Cotton  Tufts  was  chairman  and  who  was 
probably  the  author,  is  a  remarkably  able  and  well 
written  document,  and  will  compare  favorably  with  the 
best  public  papers  of  that  day.4 

1  Records  of  the  Council,  vol.  9,  page  91. 

2  Weymouth  Town  Records,  vol.  2,  pages  29  and  30. 

3  Weymouth  Town  Records,  vol.  2,  page  31. 

4  Weymouth  Town  Records,  vol.  2,  pages  39  and  40.    This  document  is 
inserted  in  full,  as  one  worthy  of  preservation,  and  as  a  specimen  of  the 
ability  of  the  town  in  its  official  capacity. 

"  INSTRUCTIONS  TO  THE  REPRESENTATIVES  OF  THE  TOWN  OF  WEYMOUTH. 
To  COL°.  SOLOMON  LOVELL. 

SIR.  The  struggle  in  which  we  are  engaged  is  great  and  important,  it 
calls  for  the  Exertion  of  all  the  Powers  and  Faculties  of  every  Individual 
in  order  to  secure  the  invaluable  Blessing  of  Liberty  in  its  full  Extent, 
which  we  profess  to  be  the  grand  object  of  our  pursuit.  Could  these  be 


46 

On  the  24th  of  June,  1777,  Col.  Lovell  was  elected 
by  the  Council  Brigadier-General  of  the  militia  of 

united  and  center  in  the  main  Point,  we  might,  under  Providence,  be 
assured  of  Success ;  to  effect  this,  as  Men  have  different  Powers  and 
Capacities  adapted  to  different  purposes,  it  is  necessary  that  Men  be  em 
ployed  in  those  different  Matters,  for  wich  they  are  best  calculated,  and 
without  attending  to  this,  the  Publick  cannot  be  well  served  nor  its  good 
Advanced  You  are  therefore  Instructed  to  use  your  Influence,  that  the 
various  offices  of  Government  be  filled  up  by  Persons  of  Integrity  and 
known  qualifications  for  their  Particular  offices,  and  that  a  Multiplicity  of 
offices  be  devolved  upon  no  one,  Especially  where  they  cannot  be  discharged 
with  Fidelity,  and  the  good  of  the  People,  however  otherwise  qualified  or 
distinguished  the  Person  may  be.  Agreeable  hereunto  you  are  Instructed 
not  to  give  your  Vote  for  any  Person  to  sit  in  Council,  who  holds  any  office 
or  offices  incompatable  with  the  faithful  Discharge  of  the  Duties  of  a  Coun 
cillor,  nor  for  any  Member  of  the  Continental  Congress,  nor  for  any  hold 
ing  Commissions  under  it,  and  that  the  Affairs  of  Government  may  be 
conducted,  as  much  as  may  be,  with  Dispatch  and  without  interruption. 
You  are  instructed  to  use  your  Endeavors  that  Members  of  the  Gen1  Court 
be  not  unnecessarily  charged  with  the  Transaction  of  Business  that  can  be 
as  well  or  better  done  by  suitable  persons  not  belonging  to  the  same,  and 
who  may  be  appointed  for  such  purpose,  and  that  all  persons  entrusted  by 
the  General  Court,  with  Business  of  any  kind,  do  from  Time  tcrTime  render 
an  Account  of  their  conduct,  where  any  are  unfaithful  that  they  be  displaced 
without  favor  or  affection,  see  that  the  unfaithful  be  punished,  and  tho 
upright  servants  of  Government  be  rewarded,  for  where  faithful  servants 
of  Government  are  not  rewarded,  no  man  of  Integrity  will  ever  chuse  to 
accept  a  Trust,  and  the  State  must  be  governed  by  weak  and  wicked  Men. 
You  are  on  the  one  Hand  to  avoid  such  parsimony  as  to  discourage  worthy 
men  from  engaging  in  the  Publick  Service,  and  on  the  other  Hand  such  a 
profusion  as  to  encourage  Men  to  fleece  the  Public,  and  to  wriggle  them 
selves  into  places  of  Profit  and  Honor.  You  are  particularly  instructed  to 
use  your  utmost  endeavors  that  every  measure  be  pursued  for  the  suppres 
sion  of  vice  and  immorality,  and  as  no  People  can  long  enjoy  Liberty  or 
Civil  Happiness,  without  a  fixed  Government,  whose  Laws  are  founded  in 
Justice  and  administered  with  impartiality,  we  do  agreeably  to  a  recom 
mendation  of  the  late  General  Assembly  instruct  you  to  join  with  the  House 
of  Representatives  in  one  Body  with  the  Council  to  form  a  Constitution  of 
government,  and  when  compleated  to  lay  the  same  before  us  for  our 
approbation  or  disapprobation. 

That  you  Sir,  with  the  Members  of  the  general  Assembly,  may  be 
directed  by  the  Supreme  Governor  of  the  world  in  the  formation  of  a  Con 
stitution  satisfactory  to  the  inhabitants  of  this  State  and  productive  of  the 
greatest  Virtue  and  happiness  not  only  to  the  present,  but  to  succeeding 
Generations,  that  the  Children  yet  unborn  may  rise  up  and  call  you  blessed, 
is  the  ardent  wish  of  your  constituents 

COTTON  TUFTS  JAMES  HUMPHREY  ASA  WHITE  ELIPHAZ  WESTON 

NATHANIEL  BAILEY. 


47 

Suffolk  County,  and,  receiving  his  commission,1  entered 
at  once  upon  the  duties  of  his  command  —  a  position  of 
the  highest  importance,  since  it  made  him,  subordinate 
only  to  the  department  officer  appointed  by  the  Con 
tinental  Congress,  the  military  commander  of  Boston, 
and,  virtually,  the  central  military  authority  of  the  East 
ern  District,  —  which  covered  nearly  the  whole  of  New 
England,  and  requiring  military  ability  of  a  high  order, 
together  with  rare  judgment,  prudence  and  discretion; 
a  position  that  he  retained  to  the  close  of  the  war,  —  a 
period  of  six  years  of  constant  watchfulness  and  prep 
aration;  sufficient  proof  that  his  services  were  emi 
nently  satisfactory  to  the  people  over  whom  he  was 
placed,  and  in  Avhonl  was  vested  the  power  of  removal 
at  any  time. 

July  21, 1777,  Gen.  Lovell  was  ordered  by  the  Council 
to  hold  his  brigade  in  readiness  to  march  to  his  alarm 
post  at  a  moment's  notice;2  and,  August  1,  on  the 
occasion  of  a  new  alarm,  he  was  directed  to  detach  one 
hundred  and  fifty  men  from  Col.  Cushing's  regiment, 
and  "proceed  with  them,  personally,  to  Hull,  there  to 
take  the  command,  to  defend  the  fort  and  annoy  the 
enemy."3  In  September,  a  secret  expedition  to  Rhode 
Island  was  undertaken  by  the  General  Court,  and  Brig.- 
Gens.  Palmer  and  Lovell  placed  in  command;4  but  the 
expedition  failed,  on  account  (as  alleged)  of  the  dis 
obedience  of  orders  by  Gen.  Palmer,  who  was  court- 
martialled  therefor. 

In  1778,  Gen.  Lovell  was  again  chosen  Representative 
to  the  General  Court.5  During  this  year,  Rhode  Island 

1  State  Archives,  vol.  27,  page  217.    General  Assembly  Record,  vol.  37 
page  97. 

2  Council  Record,  vol.  10,  page  624. 

3  Council  Record,  vol  10,  page  655. 

4  Council  Record,  vol.  10,  page  865.     General  Assembly  Record,  vol.  38, 
page  39. 

5  Weymouth  Town  Records,  vol.  2,  page  49. 


48 

was  the  point  around  which  the  operations  of  the 
northern  army  centered.1  So  great  was  the  solicitude, 
that  Gen.  Sullivan,  one  of  Washington's  most  trusted 
officers,  was  appointed  to  succeed  Spencer  in  that 
department,  and  despatched  at  once  to  Providence,  to 
take  command  of  the  forces  there,  and  the  most  ener 
getic  measures  were  forthwith  entered  upon  to  place 
that  State  in  the  best  posture  of  defence.  The  English, 
under  Gen.  Pigot,  had  made  a  descent  upon  the  coast, 
plundered  and  partially  burnt  the  flourishing  towns  of 
Warren  and  Bristol,  taking  some  prisoners,  but  were 
finally  driven  oiF  by  a  few  troops,  who  had  gathered 
during  the  alarm,  before  the  places  were  wholly  de 
stroyed.  About  the  same  time,  another  party  of  the 
enemy  made  an  attempt  upon  Fall  River,  but  were 
repulsed  before  accomplishing  much  damage,  by  the 
resolute  conduct  of  Col.  Joseph  Durfee,  and  a  few  men 
under  his  command. 

While  the  coast  was  thus  threatened  at  various  points. 
Gen.  Sullivan  found  not  more  than  five  hundred  men 
at  his  command,  about  three  hundred  of  whom  were 
Rhode  Island  troops,  the  remainder  belonging  to  the 
other  New  England  States.  ,  A  special  session  of  the 
Assembly  was  called,  and  an  order  passed  to  fill  up 
the  ranks  of  the  State  Brigade,  and  call  out,  for  fifteen 
days,  one-sixth  of  the  military  and  chartered  force  of 
the  State.  At  the  same  time,  urgent  calls  for  immediate 
assistance  were  made  upon  the  neighboring  States ;  yet, 
up  to  the  middle  of  July,  but  about  sixteen  hundred 
men  had  been  raised,  while  the  enemy  had,  in  and  about 
Newport,  a  force  of  seven  thousand  men,  including -a 
reinforcement  of  three  thousand  just  received  from 
New  York. 

1  For  the  main  facts  relative  to  the  Rhode  Island  campaign,  the  excellent 
history  of  that  State  by  Samuel  Greene  Arnold  has  been  followed.  Vol.  2, 
pages  415  to  428. 


49 

A  council  of  war  called  out  at  once  half  the  effective 
force  of  the  State,  to  serve  for  twenty  days  from 
August  1st;  and  the  remainder  were  ordered  to  hold 
themselves  in  readiness  at  a  moment's  notice.  The 
same  day,  Count  D'Estaing,  with  a  powerful  fleet  and 
a  reinforcement  of  four  thousand  French  troops,  ap 
peared  off  Newport  harbor,  in  aid  of  the  Americans. 
Maj.-Gen.  Greene,  Brig.-Gen.  Glover  and  Marquis  de 
Lafayette,  who  had  just  arrived  from  "Washington's 
army,  volunteered  for  the  service. 

With  the  reinforcements  which  had  been  slowly 
reaching  headquarters,  Gen.  Sullivan  had  succeeded 
in  massing  about  ten  thousand  men,  largely  new 
recruits  (many  of  whom,  however,  had  seen  some 
service),  and  proceeded  to  make  immediate  prepara 
tions  for  active  work,  crossing  to  the  upper  part  of 
Rhode  Island,  while  the  French  troops,  destined  for  his 
support,  were  landed  in  Conanicut,  the  fleet,  in  the 
meantime,  undertaking  to  force  Newport  harbor. 

Just  at  this  time,  Lord  Howe,  with  an  English  fleet 
of  twenty  sail,  appearing  off  Point  Judith,  the  French 
troops  were  hastily  re-embarked,  and  Count  D'Estaing, 
eager  for  the  battle,  put  to  sea  at  once.  But,  before 
the  action  commenced,  a  terrible  tempest  —  one  of  the 
most  severe  on  record,  lasting  for  two  days,  —  scattered 
the  hostile  squadrons,  and  put  an  end,  for  the  present, 
to  the  expected  aid  from  that  quarter;  and  Gen.  Sulli 
van  was  left  to  make  the  best  fight  possible  with  the 
means  at  his  command.  A  letter  from  him  at  this  time 
states  that  he  had  but  fifteen  hundred  men  from  that 
State  and  fourteen  hundred  from  Massachusetts,  whereas 
three  thousand  had  been  expected  from  each;  while 
Connecticut  had  sent  but  four  hundred  of  the  fifteen 
hundred  called  for  from  her.  But  the  spirited  conduct 
of  the  council  of  war,  in  calling  out  the  remaining  half 


50 

of  the  effective  force  of  the  State,  had  the  effect  of 
restoring  the  General's  confidence. 

The  return  of  the  French  raised  again  the  anticipa 
tions  of  the  Americans,  and  strong  hopes  were  enter 
tained  of  the  capture  of  the  entire  British  army,  while 
Greene  and  Lafayette  were  sent  to  insure  the  co-oper 
ation  of  the  Count;  but  he,  to  their  great  disappoint 
ment,  determined  to  proceed  at  once  to  Boston,  to 
refit,  against  which  decision  the  American  officers 
entered  an  ineffectual  protest. 

Meanwhile,  matters  in  Providence  were  anything  but 
pleasant;  great  scarcity  of  necessaries,  with  no  means 
of  obtaining  them;  much  uneasiness  among  the  troops, 
with  frequent  desertions,  half  the  New  Hampshire 
contingent  having  gone,  and  the  remainder  with  diffi 
culty  being  retained.  The  siege,  notwithstanding,  had 
been  closely  pressed,  and  the  enemy  shut  up  in  their 
fortified  works,  while  only  the  aid  of  the  French  fleet 
was  wanting  to  make  the  final  assault.  The  determi 
nation,  however,  of  D'Estaing,  and  the  lack  of  the 
support  that  his  force  alone  could  give,  compelled 
Sullivan  to  fall  back  upon  his  defences  on  the  hills  of 
the  north.  This  encouraged  the  enemy,  and,  on  the 
following  morning,  they  sallied  out  of  their  intrench- 
ments,  threatening  a  general  attack.  The  challenge 
was  promptly  accepted  by  Sullivan,  and,  on  that  day  was 
fought  the  Battle  of  Rhode  Island,  a  stubborn  field-fight 
between  the  two  armies,  numbering  some  seven  or  eight 
thousand  each,  continuing  all  day,  and  resulting  at  last 
in  the  retreat  of  the  British  to  their  fortified  camp,  with 
a  loss  of  over  a  thousand  men,  while  that  on  the  Ameri 
can  side  was  but  two  hundred  and  eleven. 

In  this  fight  the  American  force,  only  one-quarter 
of  whom  had  ever  been  under  fire  before,  was  pitted 
against  a  force  of  British  veterans,  superior  in  num 
bers  and  discipline,  aided  by  several  ships  of  war, 


51 


and  with  such  skill,  courage  and  obstinacy  as  to  win  a 
decided  victory.  Of  this  engagement,  Lafayette  is  said 
to  have  remarked  that  w  it  was  the  best-fought  action  in 
the  war."  In  this  battle  were  the  Massachusetts  troops, 
under  the  command  of  Brigadiers  Lovell  and  Titcomb, 
whose  conduct  was  such  as  to  win  high  praise.  *  While 
the  heavy  fighting  was  going  on  upon  the  British  left, 
the  Brigade  of  Gen.  Lovell  was  ordered  to  engage  their 
right  and  rear,  which  was  done  with  complete  success." 
A  private  account  states  that  "many  officers  distin 
guished  themselves  by  their  coolness  and  courage," 
naming  Gen.  Lovell  particularly.1  By  the  pay-roll,  it 
appears  that  this  campaign  lasted  forty-seven  days.2 

In  October,  1778,  one  thousand  men  were  ordered, 
for  the  special  defence  of  Boston,  of  whom  "Brigadier" 
Lovell  was  assigned  the  command;  and  November  30, 
following,  this  vote  appears  upon  the  records  of  the 
Council,  an  action  of  very  rare  occurrence  in  that  august 
body:  "Ordered,  That  the  thanks  of  the  Board  be, 
and  hereby  is,  given  to  Brigadier  Lovell,  for  his  readi 
ness  and  alertness  in  turning  out  to  take  command  of 
the  militia  lately  ordered  in  for  the  defence  of  this  State, 
and  he  is  hereby  excused  from  further  attendance  on 
that  service  till  further  order."3 

May  17,  1779,  Gen.  Lovell  is  once  more  chosen  to 
represent  the  towrn  in  the  General  Court.4 

1  "  Spirit  of  '76  in  Rhode  Island,"  by  Benjamin  Cowell,  in  Harvard  Col 
lege  library ;  also,  "  Heath's  Memoirs,"  pages  191-193 :  Lovell's  brigade, 
1158  men;  Titcomb's  brigade,  957. 

2  State  Archives,  vol.  26,  page  211. 

3  Records  of  the  Council,  vol.  12,  page  5. 

4  Wey mouth  Town  Records,  vol.  2,  page  57. 


52 


CHAPTER  YII. 

THE  PEXOBSCOT  EXPEDITION  —  PREPARATIONS. 


their  extended  commerce,  the  English  had  suf 
fered  greatly  from  the  depredations  of  American  pri 
vateers.  The  Continental  navy  at  this  time  was  quite 
insignificant,  —  hardly  worthy  of  the  name,  —  consisting 
of  a  few  small  frigates  and  sloops-of-war,  its  main 
dependence  being  upon  private  armed  vessels,  —  letters 
of  marque  and  privateers.  These  were  neither  designed 
for,  nor  expected  to  act  upon  naval  expeditions  strictly 
such,  but  to  prey  upon  the  rich  merchantmen  that  were 
covering  the  ocean  with  their  valuable  freights.  Fore 
most  in  this  work  were  the  ships  of  Massachusetts,  — 
Newburyport,  Salem  and  Marblehead  being  particularly 
conspicuous,  —  whose  cruisers  found  a  secure  asylum 
among  the  numerous  bays  and  harbors  of  the  rock- 
bound  coast  of  the  Province  of  Maine. 

It  was  easy  to  slip  into  almost  any  of  these  with  a 
prize,  by  men  familiar  with  every  inlet;  and  it  was 
equally  easy,  also,  from  thence  to  spring  out  upon  their 
unsuspecting  prey.  These  harbors  also  afforded  great 
facilities  for  fitting  out  these  destructive  craft,  and,  also, 
for  refitting  and  supplying,  as  well  as  securing  crews 
for  them  from  among  the  hardy  seamen  with  which  that 
coast  abounded. 

The  English  authorities  did  not  fail  to  discover  this, 
and  to  take  prompt  and  vigorous  action  to  prevent  the 
mischief  that  would  otherwise  result.  Gen.  Francis 
McLean,  with  four  hundred  and  fifty  rank  and  file  of 
the  74th  Regiment,  and  two  hundred  of  the  82d,  June 


hertypc— lorbps  Co.,  Boston. 


MAI'  OF  CASTINE  HARBOR,     From  a  U.  S.  SURVEY. 

I.    FORT    (1KORGE.       2.    THE    BLUFF.       3.    BANK'S    ISLAND.      4.    BATTERIES. 
5-    POSITIONS    OF    BRITISH    SHITS. 


53 

16, 1779,1  took  possession  of  the  peninsula  of  Bagaduce, 
now  Castine,  on  the  east  side  of  Penobscot  Bay, 
about  twenty  miles  from  its  mouth,  and  some  half  a 
dozen  miles  below  the  entrance  to  the  river  of  that 
name.  For  the  purpose  designed,  no  better  location 
could  have  been  selected,  commanding,  as  it  did,  the 
most  important  bay  and  river  upon  the  coast.  It  was 
also  easy  of  access  from  their  eastern  possessions,  afford 
ing  a  convenient  and  central  rendezvous  from  which  to 
carry  on  military  operations  against  the  rebel  ports, 
serving,  also,  an  excellent  purpose  of  keeping  the  neigh 
boring  population  in  awe,  the  most  of  whom  were  from 
the  older  colonies,  to  whose  cause2  they  were  favorable, 
and  had  rendered  themselves  obnoxious  to  the  British 
authorities  by  the  capture  of  vessels  laden  with  sup 
plies,  and  the  surrender  of  their  crews,  as  prisoners,  to 
the  American  army. 

The  peninsula  of  Maja-Bagaduce  —  or  Bagaduce,  as 
more  commonly  called,  —  is  a  high  bluff  of  land,  extend 
ing  into  the  open  waters  of  the  bay,  and  is  visible  to  a 
great  distance.  Along  its  south-east  shore  lies  the  river, 
or  inlet,  of  the  same  name;  on  the  south-west,  it  is 
washed  by  the  waters  of  the  bay,  while  on  the  north 
west  it  connects  with  the  main  land  by  a  marsh  about 
a  quarter  of  a  mile  across,  overflowed  at  high  tide. 
About  a  mile  in  width  upon  the  bay, — its  broadest  part, 
-  and  a  little  less  than  two  miles  in  extreme  length,  it 
rises  from  the  shore  to  a  height  of  about  two  hundred 
feet  above  the  water.  Upon  the  bay,  it  is  an  almost 
perpendicular  precipice,  while  the  inclination  is  more 
gradual  toward  the  river  and  harbor. 

Gen.  McLean  approached  cautiously,  and  with  hesi 
tation,  but  landed  without  opposition,3  taking  possession 

1  Letter  from  McLean  in  "  Gentleman's  Magazine,"  vol.  49,  page  513. 

2  Williamson's  History  of  Belfast,  page  169. 

3  Williamson's  History  of  Belfast,  page  170. 


54 

of  the  high  ground  upon  the  central  ridge,  where  he 
selected  a  site  for  a  fort,  which  was  at  once  laid  out,  and 
the  work  commenced,  with  the  intention  of  making  it 
one  of  the  strongest  upon  the  coast.  It  was  square, 
two  hundred  and  fifty  feet  upon  a  side,  with  bastions  at 
the  angles.  A  bomb-proof  was  to  be  built,  with  ample 
accommodations  for  officers  and  men,  with  secure  storage 
for  the  supplies,  the  whole  to  be  defended  by  earth  walls 
twenty  feet  in  height,  and  these  surrounded  by  a  deep 
ditch.1  It  was  to  be  named  Fort  George,  in  honor  of 
the  king. 

The  ground  was  covered  with  a  heavy  growth  of 
wood,  which  the  inhabitants  of  the  neighborhood  were 
persuaded  to  remove  by  the  promise  of  protection  and 
indemnity,  many  of  whom  came  in  and  took  the  oath  of 
allegiance  in  response  to  Gen.  McLean's  proclamation. 
But  it  was  not  until  after  the  middle  of  July  that  the 
ground  was  prepared  and  the  first  rude  works  erected,2 
with  a  small  battery  near  the  shore  and  the  needed 
store-houses  for  provisions.  So  slow  had  been  the  prog 
ress  that,  at  the  news  of  the  approach  of  the  American 
fleet,  no  cannon  had  been  placed  in  position  at  the  main 
fort,  although  they  had  mounted  a  six-gun  battery  at 
Dice's  Point,  and  begun  a  small  work  at  Cape  Rozier.3 
The  fleet  had  been  sent  back  to  Halifax,  excepting  the 
sloops-of-war  "  Albany "  and  "  Nautilus,"  of  16  guns 
each;  the  "North,"  an  old  ship  of  18  guns,  and  the 
"Santilena"  (St.  Helena),  a  prize  vessel  of  a  few  guns. 

One  account  states  that  "  the  walls  of  the  fort  at  that 
time  were  not  more  than  five  feet  high,  with  two  guns 
mounted,  one  towards  the  water  and  the  other  towards 
the  w^oods,  with  only  men  enough  to  man  three  sides  of 
the  fort,  placing  the  men  a  yard  apart."  They  were 

1  Williamson's  History  of  Maine,  vol  2,  page  469. 

2  Calef's  Journal,  in  Wheeler's  Castine. 

3  David  Perhani  in  Baugor  "  Whig  and  Courier,"  Aug.  13,  1846. 


55 


fully  informed  of  all  the  movements  of  the  Americans, 
and  were  prepared  to  make  but  the  pretence  of  resist 
ance,  expecting  to  be  captured  at  once. 

The  news  of  this  occupation  spread  quickly  through 
the  eastern  colonies,  producing  the  utmost  astonishment 
and  consternation;  and  the  most  active  measures  were 
at  once  taken  to  dispossess  the  English  of  their  newly- 
acquired  position.  Orders  were  issued  by  the  General 
Court  to  fit  out  an  expedition  of  sufficient  force  to 
accomplish  the  purpose.  Letters  were  addressed  to  the 
New  Hampshire  authorities,  soliciting  their  co-operation, 
which  were  promptly  and  favorably  responded  to.1 
Brig.-Gen.  Lovell  was  ordered,  June  26,  1779,2  to  hold 
himself  in  readiness  to  take  the  command  of  twelve 
hundred  militia,  with  one  hundred  of  the  artillery,  to 
march,  at  the  shortest  notice,  to  Penobscot.  Orders 
were  issued  to  the  Board  of  War  to  fit  out  a  fleet 
immediately,  by  obtaining  the  loan  of  the  frigate 
T  Warren "  and  sloop  "  Providence,"  Continental  ves 
sels,  the  former  a  fine  new  ship  of  32  guns,  and  the 
latter  a  sloop  of  12;  to  buy,  hire,  or  impress  private 
armed  ships  —  as  many  as  might  be  necessary;  also,  to 
provide  transports.  Extraordinary  inducements  were 
also  offered  for  seamen.3 

Orders  were  also  issued  to  the  ordnance,  commissary 
and  quartermaster's  departments,  to  furnish  what  sup 
plies  might  be  needed  from  their  stores.  Ammunition, 
provisions,  and  supplies  of  all  kinds  in  abundance,  were 
ordered,  that  the  expedition  might  not  be  lacking  in 
these  particulars.  Yet,  notwithstanding  the  utmost 
endeavors  of  the  authorities,  difficulties  were  encoun 
tered  from  the  outset.  The  supplies  so  liberally  ordered 
were  not  forthcoming;  and  Gen.  Lovell  writes  to  the 

1  State  Archives,  vol.  57,  pages  298,  300. 
8  Council  Record,  vol.  12,  page  444. 
3  State  Archives,  vol.  145,  page  391. 


56 

Council,  under  date  of  July  2,  stating  that,  so  great 
is  the  difficulty  in  obtaining  the  necessaries  under  the 
ordinary  method,  that  the  operations  of  the  expedition 
must  be  retarded  thereby,  and  requests  additional 
powers,  which  are  granted.1 

July  7,  Peleg  Wadsworth,  Adjutant-General  of  the 
State,  an  officer  of  high  repute,  who  had  seen  much 
service,  was  chosen  unanimously  by  the  Council  to  the 
second  position  under  Gen.  Lovell,  to  serve  as  engineer, 
with  rank  of  Brigadier2.  On  the  8th,  Lieut-Col.  Paul 
Revere  was  appointed  to  command  the  train  of  artillery, 
and,  on  the  9th,  Dr.  Eliphalet  Downer,  Surgeon-General 
of  the  expedition;  and,  so  great  was  the  despatch,  that 
the  General  received  his  orders  to  embark  his  artillery 
on  the  12th,  and  on  the  15th  the  expedition  was  in 
Nantasket  Eoads,  ready  to  sail;  but,  from  various 
causes,  it  did  not  put  to  sea  until  the  19th.  The 
letter  of  instructions  to  the  commanders  was  very  full 
and  explicit.3 

The  fleet  had  been  placed  under  the  command  of 
Dudley  Saltonstall,  Esq.,  of  ]^ew  London,  an  officer  of 
some  repute,  and  then  in  command  of  the  Continental 
frigate  "  Warren,"  which  position  was  thought,  perhaps, 
to  entitle  him  to  the  command  of  the  squadron.4  This 
consisted  of  the  ships  "Warren,"  32  guns;  the  "Hamp- 
deii"  (the  New  Hampshire  contingent,  which  joined 
them  at  Townsend),  and  "Hector,"  of  22  guns  each; 
the  "Gen.  Putnam,"  "Vengeance,"  "Monmouth,"  "Black 
Prince "  (of  Salem,  which  joined  the  fleet  off  Ports 
mouth),  "Hunter"  and  "Charming  Sally,"  each  20 
guns;  "Sky  Rocket,"  brigs  "Hazard,"  "Pallas"  and 
"  Defence,"  of  16  guns  each;  "Active"  and  "  Tyranni- 

1  State  Archives,  Vol  37,  page  258. 

8  Records  of  the  Council,  Vol.  13,  page  22-J-. 

3  State  Archives,  Vol.  145,  pages  9, 10,  and  39. 

4  State  Archives,  Vol  145,  page  217,  page  199. 


57 

cide,"  of  14  each;  the  "Diligence"  and  sloop  "Provi 
dence,"  of  12  each;  sloop  "Charming  Polly"  and 
schooner  "Hannah,"  of  6  each;  mounting  in  all  324 
guns,  and  manned  by  more  than  of  two  thousand  men, 
with  upwards  of  twenty  transports  —  probably  the 
strongest  and  finest  naval  force  furnished  by  New 
England  during  the  Revolution;  and  the  total  cost  of 
the  expedition,  as  seen  in  the  general  account,  was 
£1,739,174 


The  following  is  the  list  of  field  and  staff  officers 
connected  with  the  land  forces:2 

Brig.-Gcn.  Solomon  Lovell,  Commander-in-Chief. 

Brig.-Gen.  Peleg  Wadsworth,  second  in  authority. 

Eliphalet  Downer,  Surgeon-General. 

Capt.  Gawan  Brown,  Brigade  Major. 

Capt.  William  Todd,  Brigade  Major. 

Capt.  Jeremiah  Hill,  Adjutant-General. 

John  Marston,  Jun.,  Secretary. 

Col.  John  Tyler,  Quartermaster-General. 

G.  W.  Speakman,  Commissary  of  Ordnance. 

Benjamin  Furnass,  Deputy  Quartermaster. 

J.  Kobbins,  Deputy  Commissary  of  Ordnance. 
With  Lt.  Col.  Paul  Revere  in  command  of  the  train  of 
artillery. 

The  expedition  was  the  work  of  Massachusetts, 
notice  only  being  given  to  the  Continental  authori 
ties,3  who  consented  thereto,  furnishing  aid  and  counsel, 
and,  too  late  to  be  of  any  avail,  a  strong  reinforcement. 
The  burden  imposed  upon  the  colony  was  a  heavy  one, 
and  its  disastrous  result  aggravated  the  burden.  The 
fleet  was  ordered  to  rendezvous  at  Townsend,  where 
the  land  forces  of  York  and  Cumberland,  six  hundred 
men  each,  were  to  meet  them,  and  where  everything 

1  State  Archives,  vol.  145,  page  201. 

2  State  Archives,  vol,  37,  page  131. 

3  State  Archives,  vol.  37,  page  268. 


58 

was  supposed  to  be  in  readiness  for  an  immediate  de 
parture. 

The  fleet  reached  Townsend  on  the  21st,  where  the 
General  and  his  w  family  "  were  hospitably  entertained 
by  Rev.  Mr.  Murray,  whose  place  "  was  a  much  Gen- 
teeler  seat  than  was  by  most  persons  expected  to  be 
found  in  this  part  of  the  country.  "Very  agreeably  & 
sociably  treated  by  the  worthy  clergyman."  Mr.  Mur 
ray  was  afterwards  persuaded  by  the  General  to  accom 
pany  the  expedition,  and  was  sent  as  bearer  of  despatches 
to  Boston.  The  General  speaks  of  him  in  very  high 
terms.1 

Upon  examining  the  returns  of  the  troops,  they  were 
found  to  be  deficient  over  one-third,  or  five  hundred  of 
the  fifteen  hundred  ordered,  which  included  three  hun 
dred  from  Lincoln.  They  were,  notwithstanding,  or 
dered  up  for  review,  and  to  embark  immediately;  of 
the  men  sent  forward,  a  large  part  were  wholly  unfit 
for  service.  General  Wadsworth  says,2  "  at  least  one- 
fourth  part  appeared  to  me  to  be  small  boys  and  old 
men,  unfit  for  service." 

Adjutant-General  Hill  says,3  w  The  difficulty  in  col 
lecting  troops  was  so  great  that  I  recommended  martial 
power,  as  they  were  legally  detached  soldiers,  and  sub 
ject  to  martial  law,  which  was  done,  and  the  quota 
partly  filled  in  that  way.  Collected  four  hundred  and 
thirty-three,  rank  and  file,  and  embarked  them  for 
Townsend.  Some  were  old  men,  some  boys,  and  some 
invalids;  if  they  belonged  to  the  Train  Band  or 
Alarm  List,  they  were  soldiers,  whether  they  could 
carry  a  gun,  walk  a  mile  without  crutches,  or  only 
compos  mentis  sufficient  to  keep  themselves  out  of  fire 
and  water."  The  Cumberland  recruits  were  of  much 
the  same  general  character.  These  facts  were  repre- 


1  Lovell's  Journal. 

2  State  Archives,  vol.  145,  pa^e  275. 

3  State  Archives,  vol.  145,  page  284. 


59 

sented  to  the  General,  who  wrote  at  once  to  the  several 
brigadiers  to  fill  up  their  quotas  immediately.  Some  of 
these  subsequent  levies  reached  the  Penobscot  just 
previous  to  the  final  catastrophe. 

The  adjutant  says  further,  in  relation  to  their  equip 
ments:  "most  of  them  had  arms,  but  many  were  out  of 
repair,  little  or  no  ammunition,  and  most  of  the  officers 
and  men  quite  unacquainted  with  any  military  manoeu 
vre,  and  even  the  manual  exercise." 

Major  Todd  states1  that  he  "  received  orders  on  the 
2d  July  to  repair  to  York  County,  to  receive  the  troops 
raised  there.  Arrived  at  Wells  on  the  6th,  and  after 
the  most  urgent  endeavors,  consulting  with  General 
Frost  and  the  colonels  of  the  respective  regiments,"  he 
had  received,  up  to  the  13th,  not  more  than  sixty  men, 
some  of  whom  were  brought  in  by  force  of  arms;  on 
the  14th  he  had  ready  to  march  one  hundred  and  thirty 
men,  and  the  next  day  set  out  for  Casco  Bay. 

These  testimonies  are  necessary  in  order  to  under 
stand  the  material  with  which  the  General  had  to  work, 
and  the  difficulties  that  beset  his  way  from  the  very 
outset.  Even  recruits  of  this  class  were  deficient  in 
number  fully  one-third. 

While  at  Townscnd,  General  Lovell,  pursuant  to 
instructions,  held  an  interview  with  chiefs  of  the  "^or- 
ridgewalk"  Indians,2  and  finding  them  apparently  friend 
ly  and  ready  with  their  promises,  he  supplied  them  with 
necessaries.  It  appears  from  their  subsequent  conduct 
that  the  friendship  was  real,  and  the  promises  fully  car 
ried  out,  the  expedition  receiving  valuable  aid,  not  only 
in  men  for  the  army,  but  also  in  service  as  guides;  a 
large  number  being  engaged  in  the  military  operations, 
a  full  list  of  whom  may  be  found  in  "Ividder's  Eastern 
Maine,"  in  which  may  be  found  much  other  valuable 
original  matter  connected  with  the  expedition. 

1  State  Archives,  vol.  145,  page  230. 

2  Lovell's  Journal.     State  Archives,  vol.  145,  pages  9,  10. 


60 


CHAPTER  YIIL 

PEXOBSCOT    EXPEDITIOX. OPENING   THE    CAMPAIGN. 

THE  arrangements  were  fully  completed  on  the  23d,1 
and  on  the  morning  of  Saturday,  the  24th,  the  arma 
ment  set  sail  from  Townsend,  with  a  fair  wind,  arriv 
ing  the  same  evening  at  the  mouth  of  Penobscot  Bay, 
and  cast  anchor  under  the  Fox  Islands.  They  had 
observed  numerous  fires  along  the  coast  from  point  to 
point  as  they  proceeded,  a  fact  very  unusual  at  this 
season  of  the  year.  These  were,  110  doubt,  the  work  of 
British  emissaries  to  give  warning  of  the  approach  of 
the  enemy.  Here  they  were  joined  by  some  Penobscot 
Indians,  who  proceeded  with  them.  They  had  been 
tampered  with  by  General  McLean,  but  had  refused 
his  offers.2 

On  Sunday  morning,  Captain  Mitchell  of  Belfast 
having  been  engaged  as  guide,  the  fleet  proceeded  up 
the  bay,  the  transports  coming  to  anchor  under  the 
bluff  at  "  Bragaduce,"  about  seven  o'clock  in  the  even 
ing,  under  cover  of  ship  "Charming  Sally"  and  brigs 
"Hazard"  and  "Active";  several  of  the  ships  saluting 
the  small  battery  at  the  water-side  with  broadsides  as 
they  passed.  A  landing  was  at  once  attempted  under 
the  bluff,  which  was  thickly  covered  with  brush  and  trees,3 
but  the  sea  being  so  rough,  on  account  of  the  high  wind, 
that  there  would  be  danger  that  the  first  division  might 

1  Love! Ps  Journal. 

8  Adj.  Hill.    State  Archives,  vol.  145,  page  284. 

3  LovelPs  Journal. 


Gl 


be  cut  off  before  the  second  could  be  brought  to  its 
support,  counter-orders  were  issued,  which  reached  the 
first  division  just  as  they  received  the  fire  from  the 
enemy,  who  lay  concealed  among  the  brush,  where  they 
could  not  be  seen.  They  re-embarked  with  the  loss  of 
one  Indian  killed. 

News  of  the  intended  expedition  had  reached  Gen 
eral  McLean  on  the  18th,1  to  which  he  paid  little  at 
tention.  On  the  day  following,  the  intelligence  was 
partially  confirmed,  and  the  work  on  the  fortifications 
renewed  with  the  greatest  vigor;  the  men  working 
night  and  day,  assisted  by  about  one  hundred  of  the 
inhabitants,  who  served  as  volunteers,  clearing  off  the 
wood,  for  which  they  received  the  thanks  of  the  Gen 
eral.  Notwithstanding,  however,  their  most  strenuous 
endeavors,  when  the  enemy  arrived  off  the  harbor  they 
were  in  no  posture  for  defence,  and  were  greatly  dis 
heartened.  On  the  appearance  of  the  American  fleet 
"the  seamen  at  work  on  the  fort  were  recalled;  the 
'  Albany,'  '  North '  and  '  Nautilus '  formed  in  close  order 
across  the  entrance  of  the  harbor,  just  inside  of  the 
rocks  on  '  Magabagwaduce  Point,'  and  the  point  off 
Bank's  Island,  afterwards  called  Nautilus,  or  Cross 
Island,  giving  berth  for  three  transports  out  of  line  of 
fire.  The  troops  were  encamped  about  half  a  mile  from 
the  works.  The  well  bastion  was  not  yet  begun,  nor 
that  of  the  seamen  quite  finished.  Now  the  works 
were  put  into  the  best  defensible  condition,  some  guns 
mounted,  the  army  in  garrison,  and  gunboats  watching 
the  enemy,"  while  urgent  despatches  were  sent  to  Hali 
fax  for  immediate  reinforcement. 

On  the  26th,  the  first  division  was  ordered  by  General 
Lovell  to  make  a  feint  of  landing  on  the  bluff  head  of 
Maga-Bagaduce,  and  the  marines  to  attack  the  enemy 

1  Calefs  Journal,  in  Wheeler's  Castine. 


62 

upon  Bank's  Island,  a  position  commanding  the  ship 
ping  in  the  harbor  and  also  one  of  their  batteries.1 
The  attempt  was  entirely  successful.  The  marines 
made  good  their  landing,  secured  the  position,  driving 
the  enemy  from  the  island,  capturing  at  the  same  time 
four  cannon  and  some  ammunition,  without  the  loss  of 
a  man.  The  position  was  immediately  taken  possession 
of  by  General  Wadsworth  with  the  first  division,  which 
had  left  its  feint  for  the  purpose,  although  in  making 
the  landing,  a  chain-shot  from  the  enemy's  shipping 
sunk  one  of  the  boats,  and  "  the  worthy  Major  Little- 
field,"  with  two  men,  was  drowned.  Entrenching  tools 
were  ordered  on  shore  at  once,  an  embankment  thrown 
up,  and  a  battery  mounted,  consisting  of  two  eighteen- 
pounders  and  one  twelve,  in  addition  to  a  brass  howit 
zer  and  a  field-piece.  The  retreat  of  the  British  was 
so  precipitate  that  they  left  their  tents  standing,  and 
their  flag  as  a  trophy  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  marines, 
who  presented  it  to  General  Lovell.  The  post  was  left 
in  charge  of  Captain  Ilarker,  with  Captains  Johnson 
and  Edmunds  and  a  detachment  of  troops.2  This  move 
ment  compelled  the  British  to  withdraw  their  ships  to 
a  position  farther  up  the  harbor. 

During  this  time  the  fleet  under  Commodore  Salton- 
stall  had  kept  up,  at  intervals,  a  desultory  cannonade 
upon  the  enemy  with  very  little  result.  There  appeared 
to  be  a  disposition  on  the  part  of  the  Commodore  to 
avoid  any  offensive  movement,  and  to  keep  his  fleet  as 
far  from  danger  as  possible.  The  effect  of  this  action, 
or  rather  want  of  action,  was  such  as  to  cause  the 
greatest  dissatisfaction  and  disgust  among  the  officers 
of  the  fleet,  who  did  not  allow  this  feeling  to  conceal 
itself  or  die  for  want  of  expression.  As  early  as  the  27th, 

JLo  veil's  Journal. 

2  Adj.  Hill.     State  Archives,  vol.  145,  page  284. 


63 


the  following  circular,  certainly  not  at  all  ambiguous, 
signed  by  upwards  of  thirty  of  the  lieutenants  and 
masters,  wras  put  into  the  hands  of  the  Commodore  by 
Lt.  Peter  Pollard  of  the  "Active:  '?1 

"  TUESDAY,  A.  M.,  27  July,  1779. 

"  To  the  Honor6  the  Commodore  &  Commander-in- 
Chief  of  the  Fleet  now  lying  in  this  Harbor.  A. 
Petition  of  the  Lieutenants  and  Masters  of  the  sev 
eral  armed  vessels  now  under  your  Honour's  com 
mand. 
Humbly  sheweth. 

rr  That  we  your  Petitioners  strongly  impress'd  with 
the  importance  of  the  expedition,  and  earnestly  desire 
to  render  our  Country  all  the  service  in  our  power  — 
would  Represent  to  your  Honour  that  the  most  speedy 
Exertions  shou'd  be  used  to  accomplish  the  design  we 
come  upon.  We  think  Delays  in  the  present  case  are 
extremely  dangerous:  as  our  Enemies  are  daily  fortify 
ing  and  strengthening  themselves,  &  are  stimulated 
so  to  do  being  in  daily  Expectation  of  a  Reinforcement. 
We  don't  mean  to  advise,  or  censure  your  past  conduct, 
But  intend  only  to  express  our  desire  of  improving  the 
present  opportunity  to  go  Immediately  into  the  Harbour 
&  attack  the  Enemy's  ships,  however  we  humbly 
submit  our  Sentiments  to  the  better  Judgment  of  those 
in  Superior  command.  Therefore  wait  your  orders 
whether  in  answer  to  our  Petition  or  otherwise  —  and 
as  in  duty  bound  will  ever  pray." 

Signed  by  DAVID  PORTER,  1st  Lieut,  of  Ship  "  Put 
nam,"  and  thirty  others. 

This  document,  expressing  the  feelings  of  nearly  all 
of  the  officers  under  his  command,  did  not,  as  the  event 

1  State  Archives,  vol.  145,  page  50. 


04 

proved,  produce  the  desired  effect,  for,  while  assenting 
ostensibly  to  the  necessity  of  an  immediate  attack  by 
the  fleet  upon  the  enemy's  insignificant  force,  obstacles 
and  delays  were  always  the  order  of  the  day,  and  the 
work  was  not  attempted. 

On  the  afternoon  of  this  day,  when  the  Commodore 
must  have  felt  the  full  force  of  this  composing  draught, 
a  council  of  naval  and  land  officers  was  held  on  board 
the  "  Warren,"  and  the  determination  reached,  to  land 
upon  the  peninsula  now  in  possession  of  the  enemy,  to 
obtain  a  permanent  foothold,  and  to  dislodge  them  if 
possible.  l 

Accordingly,  before  light  on  Wednesday  morning,  all 
the  troops  were  ordered  into  their  boats,  and  a  little 
before  sunrise  were  formed,  and,  with  hearty  cheers, 
pushed  for  the  shore,  under  cover  of  the  guns  from  the 
fleet,  intending  to  land  under  the  high,  precipitous  bluff 
forming  the  south-western  base  of  the  peninsula,  here 
nearly  two  hundred  feet  in  altitude,  and  of  nearly  per 
pendicular  ascent.  The  almost  inaccessible  nature  of 
the  shore,  had  led  the  British  to  believe  that  no  attempt 
to  land  at  this  place  would  be  made;  therefore, 'no  pro 
tective  works  had  been  erected;  the  steep  bank  and 
the  thick  brush  affording  sufficient  protection  for  the 
troops  necessary  for  its  defence. 

Under  this  cover,  some  three  hundred  of  the  enemy 
were  posted,  who,  as  soon  as  the  boats  struck  the 
beach,  opened  their  fire.  The  American  force  '  was 
formed  in  two  divisions,  the  marines,  about  one  hun 
dred  and  fifty  of  whom  were  in  the  engagement,  with 
a  part  of  Colonel  McCobb's  militia  on  the  right,  the 
remainder  in  the  centre,  General  Lovell  landing  with 
the  latter.2  Notwithstanding  the  extreme  difficulty  of 


1  Lovell's  Journal. 

5  Adj.  Hill.    State  Archives,  Vol.  145,  page  284.    Lovell's  Journal. 


65 


the  ascent,  and  the  enemy's  fire  directly  in  their  faces, 
the  troops  pushed  on  with  the  greatest  intrepidity,  al 
though  with  but  little  order,  scaled  the  heights,  swept 
the  foe  before  them,  and  captured  a  position  upon  the 
bluff  which  was  of  the  highest  importance,  since  it 
gave  them  a  point  from  which  future  operations  against 
the  fort  could  be  conducted  with  the  greatest  advan 
tage.  The  hard  fighting  was  upon  the  right,  the 
marines  suffering  severely,  while  the  other  division, 
closing  in  with  too  much  precipitation,  drove  the  enemy 
from  the  ground,  and  enabled  them  to  escape.  The 
fight  lasted  but  twenty  minutes,  and  considering  that 
the  attacking  force  was  composed  of  undisciplined  mil 
itia,  most  of  whom  w^ere  never  before  in  action  ;  the 
ascent  almost  too  difficult  to  be  undertaken  unopposed, 
made  in  the  face  of  a  strong  party  of  veteran  troops, 
it  may  be  fairly  set  down  as  one  of  the  most  brilliant 
exploits  of  the  war.  Says  General  Lovell,  ""When  I 
returned  to  the  Shore,  it  struck  me  with  admiration  to 
see  what  a  Precipice  we  had  ascended,  not  being  able 
to  take  so  scrutinous  a  view  of  it  in  time  of  Battle;  it 
is  at  least  where  we  landed  three  hundred  feet  high,  and 
almost  perpendicular,  &  the  men  were  obliged  to  pull 
themselves  by  the  twigs  &  trees.  I  dont  think  such 
a  landing  has  been  made  since  Wolfe."  1 

The  loss  of  the  Americans  was  fourteen  killed  and 
twenty  wounded,  including  the  "  brave  Major  WTeleh  of 
the  marines,  and  Capt.  Hinckley  of  the  Lincoln  mil 
itia,"  2  while  that  of  the  enemy  was  fifteen  killed,  three 
wounded  and  eight  prisoners.  The  American  loss  was 
greatly  exaggerated  by  the  enemy,  some  accounts 
making  it  as  high  as  one  hundred;  but  the  report  of 

1  Loveirs  Journal 

2  Loveirs  Journal,  and  letter  to  the  council,  Aug.  1.     State  Archives,  vol. 
145,  page  61. 


General  Lovell,  from  which  these  figures  are  taken,  is 
undoubtedly  correct. 

Orders  were  immediately  given  to  secure  the  posi 
tion,  which  was  within  point-blank  range  of  the  enemy's 
fort,  by  intrenchments  and  a  battery.  This  compelled 
them  to  abandon  their  battery  on  South-east  Point,  leav 
ing  behind  them  three  six-pounders,  and  also  to  with 
draw  their  shipping  to  a  point  inside,  commandedtby 
their  batteries,  and  "  out  of  reach  of  our  shot." 


67 


CHAPTEK  IX. 

PROGKESS    OF   THE    SIEGE. 

the  29th,  a  new  battery  was  erected  by  the 
Americans,  about  sixty  rods  in  advance  of  their  former 
lines,  and  but  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from  Fort  George, 
mounting  two  eighteen-pounders,  one  twelve-pounder 
and  one  howitzer,  which  were  ready  for  duty  on  Friday 
and  opened  fire,  the  fleet  threatening  at  the  same  time 
hostile  measures.  At  this  demonstration,  the  enemy 
sunk  most  of  their  transports  and  retired  with  their 
artillery  to  the  fort,  which  was  the  only  ground  now 
held  by  them,  except  a  small  redoubt  that  protected 
their  shipping.  1 

While  this  movement  was  in  progress,  fatigue  parties 
were  engaged  in  strengthening  the  works  on  the  heights, 
also  in  making  a  covered  way  across  the  isthmus  con 
necting  with  the  main,  and  in  clearing  a  road  in  case  a 
retreat  should  become  necessary.  Cannonading  was 
carried  on  for  several  days,  between  the  fort  and  the 
ships,  assisted  by  the  batteries,  but  generally  with 
out  result.  A  packet  from  Halifax,  taken  by  the  fleet, 
was  brought  in,  but  the  despatches  had  been  de 
stroyed;  the  only  news,  which  was  obtained  from  prison 
ers,  being  the  constant  expectation  of  a  reinforcement 
by  the  enemy,  and  the  fact  that  they  were  at  work  day 
and  night,  strengthening  their  positions,  every  day's 
delay  being  of  great  value  to  them. 

About  two  o'clock  on  Sunday  morning,  August  1, 

1  LovelPs  letter  to  the  Council.    State  Archives,  vol.  145,  page  62. 


68 

General  Lovell  detached  General  Wadsworth  with 
about  three  hundred  men,  a  part  of  whom  were  sailors 
and  marines,  to  capture  the  redoubt  that  covered  the 
enemy's  shipping  and  commanded  the  harbor.  They 
marched  forward  in  good  order  until  they  received  the 
fire  from  the  garrison,  when  they  broke ;  "a  few,  how 
ever,  nothing  daunted,  pushed  bravely  forward  and 
forced  the  battery,  but  were  obliged  to  destroy  it,  as  it 
was  commanded  by  the  enemy's  main  fort.1  They  killed 
five  of  the  enemy  and  captured  eighteen,  destroying 
their  stores,  with  a  loss  of  four  missing  and  twelve 
wounded;  among  the  latter  was  Major  Sawyer." 

A  proclamation  which  had  been  issued  by  General 
Lovell  to  the  neighboring  inhabitants  on  the  29th,  to 
counteract  the  British  influence  in  that  direction,  was 
quite  successful,  and  the  people  were  beginning  to 
come  in  freely  in  consequence.  The  greatest  harmony 
and  zeal  existed  among  the  troops,  who  were  very  active 
in  carrying  forward  the  plans  of  the  General,  notwith 
standing  they  were  suffering  severely  from  a  storm  that 
came  up,  having  110  shelter.2  Rev.  Mr.  Murray,  "  who 
has  distinguished  himself  as  a  citizen  and  a  soldier, 
who  has  undergone  the  fatigues  cf  my  camp  and  find 
ing  it  necessary  to  despatch  a  courier  has  voluntarily 
offered  his  services,"  was  sent  to  Boston  for  reinforce 
ments  and  supplies.3 

During  all  this  time  General  Lovell  had  been  using 
his  utmost  endeavors  to  persuade  the  Commodore  to  go 
in  with  the  fleet  and  destroy  the  few  ships  of  the  enemy 
remaining  in  the  harbor,  when  the  fort  could  be  attacked 
with  good  prospect  of  success;  but  the  Commodore  de 
clined,  unless  the  General  would  storm  the  fort  at  the 

1  Lo veil's  Journal. 

2LovelPs  letter   to    the  Council,  August  1.     State  Archives,  vol.  145, 
page  62 
3  State  Archives,  vol.  145,  page  63. 


69 

same  time,  which  the  latter  did  not  feel  himself  strong 
enough  to  do  without  the  aid  of  the  marines  to  co-oper 
ate.  At  one  time  the  Commodore  answered  the  request 
by  pointing  to  the  three-gun  battery,  destroyed  on  Sun 
day  morning;1  at  another  he  urged  that  his  ships  might 
suffer,  and  as  there  was  no  place  at  which  to  refit,  he 
might  fall  a  sacrifice  should  a  reinforcement  arrive  in 
aid  of  the  enemy.  And  thus  there  was  delay  upon 
delay,  and  every  day  was  a  golden  opportunity  im 
proved  by  the  enemy. 

~Nor  was  General  Lovell  the  only  one  to  complain  of 
the  inactivity  and  Avant  of  enterprise  of  the  Commo 
dore;  his  own  officers  were  equally  dissatisfied,  as  is 
fully  shown  by  the  letter  addressed  to  him  on  the  27th, 
already  mentioned.  They  were  almost  unanimously  in 
favor  of  attacking  the  ships  at  once.  Colonel  Brewer, 
who  was  in  the  fort  only  the  day  before  the  arrival  of 
the  fleet,  told  the  Commodore  that  "he  (the  Commodore) 
could  silence  the  vessels  and  the  battery  in  half  an  hour, 
and  have  everything  his  own  way."  lie  was  answered 
by  an  oath,  and  "  I  am  not  going  to  risk  my  shipping 

in  that  d d  hole."     To  Captain  Titus  Salter,  of  the 

"  Hampden,"  who  ventured  a  similar  suggestion,  he  re 
plied  by  threatening  to  reduce  his  ship  to  a  bread  trans 
port.2 

Owing  to  the  refusal  of  Commodore  Saltonstall  to 
go  in  with  his  ships,  it  became  necessary  to  adopt  other 
measures  to  act  against  the  enemy's  vessels,  and  General 
Wadsworth  was  sent  on  the  3d  with  a  detachment  to 
erect  a  battery  upon  the  main,  opposite  their  anchorage, 
to  drive  them  away.3  They  landed  at  Swet's  Cove,  and 
with  the  aid  of  some  of  the  seamen  from  the  "  Hazard  " 
and  w  Tyrannicide,"  placed  in  position  a  battery,  mount- 

Lovell's  Defence.    State  Archives,  vol.  145,  page  223. 

2  Williamson's  Belfast,  page  176. 

3  Lovell's  Journal. 


70 

ing  one  eighteen-pounder,  one  nine-pounder,  and  one 
field-piece,  and  opened  fire,  but  with  little  effect,  the  dis 
tance  was  so  great,  being  a  mile  and  a  quarter;  and  the 
General  writes  sadly  in  his  journal  of  the  4th,  "  it  is  all 
the  Army  can  do  they  have  tried  their  best." 

For  several  days  the  progress  of  the  siege  was  a 
succession  of  cannonades,  alarms  and  fatigue  duty, 
principally  the  latter,  the  outworks  of  the  Americans 
being  within  musket-shot  of  the  fort,  and  the  whole 
army  in  the  woods,  within  point-blank  range.  On  the 
6th,  General  Lovell  again  wrote  Commodore  Saltonstall, 
desiring  to  know  "  if  he  would  go  in  and  destroy  the 
three  sloops  of  War  of  the  enemy,"  with  the  same  re 
sult;1  and  again  the  General  writes  the  Council  by 
Major  Braddish,  urging  immediate  reinforcements. 

There  was  little  change  in  the  position  of  affairs  for 
several  days.  Occasional  skirmishing,  cannonading 
from  the  batteries  and  shipping  upon  the  enemy's 
works,  but  with  no  important  results.  In  the  mean 
time,  it  was  becoming  more  and  more  apparent  that  a 
crisis  was  approaching  when  some  decisive  movement 
must  be  made,  or  the  expedition  abandoned.  The  con 
tinued  inaction,  with  stormy  weather,  which  was  causing 
great  loss  of  ammunition  and  provisions,  and  want  ot 
proper  shelter  was  having  its  effect  upon  the  men,  who 
were  fast  becoming  demoralized.  To  test  the  temper 
and  discipline  of  the  troops,  Gen.  Lovell,  on  the  10th, 
ordered  out  a  strong  skirmishing  force,  under  Adjt. 
Gen.  Hill,  consisting  of  six  hundred  men,  volunteers,  if 
possible.2  The  impression  having  gone  abroad  that  a 
general  assault  was  intended,  it  was  wTith  extreme  diffi 
culty  that  four  hundred  were  obtained;  Col.  Mitchell 
filling  his  quota  of  two  hundred,  after  great  exertion, 

1  Lo veil's  Journal. 

2  State  Archives,  vol.  145,  page  284 ;  Adjt.  Hill's  report. 


71 


by  including  old  men,  boys  and  invalids.  Col.  McCobb 
succeeded  in  raising  about  one  hundred  and  fifty,  and 
Maj.  Cousins,  seventy-five,  but  twenty  of  them  deserting 
during  the  night,  and  thirty  more  having  been  detached 
to  look  up  the  fugitives,  he  could  furnish  none;  the 
remainder,  about  fifty,  were  made  up  from  the  new 
levies.  "  Col.  Mitchell's  officers  were  so  terrified  that 
they  complained  of  his  nomination,  and  even  drew  lots 
as  to  who  should  go." 

On  the  following  day,  they  were  thoroughly  tested  in 
the  field  with  the  enemy;  but  with  such  results  that  the 
General  did  not  dare  to  undertake  any  important  move 
ment. 

At  the  same  time,  the  Navy  Board,  informed  of  the 
slow  progress  of  the  siege,  and  the  want  of  co-operation 
on  the  part  of  the  fleet,  wrote  to  the  Commodore,  Aug. 
12,  complaining,  in  very  strong  terms,  of  his  inaction 
and  backwardness  in  not  attacking  and  destroying  the 
British  shipping,  when,  by  general  acknowledgment, 
it  was  in  his  power  to  do  so,  and  directing  him  to  do  it 
at  once. 

On  the  llth,  the  General  had  written  to  the  Com 
modore  a  very  severe  letter  which  was  found  by  the 
enemy  on  a  captured  transport,  and  afterwards  pub 
lished,  in  the  following  terms1 : 

w  SIR:  In  this  alarming  posture  of  affairs,  I  am  once 
more  obliged  to  request  the  most  speedy  service  in  your 
department;  and  that  a  moment  be  no  longer  delayed 
to  put  in  execution  what  I  have  been  given  to  under 
stand  was  the  determination  of  your  last  council. 

The  destruction  of  the  Enemy's  ships  must  be  effected 
at  any  rate,  although  it  might  cost  us  half  our  own; 

1  Wheeler's  Castine,  pages  310  and  311. 


72 

but  I  cannot  possibly  conceive  that  danger,  or  that 
the  attempt  will  miscarry.  I  mean  not  to  determine 
on  your  mode  of  attack,  but  it  appears  to  me  so  very 
practicable,  that  any  farther  delay  must  be  infamous; 
and  I  have  it  this  moment,  by  a  deserter  from  one  of 
their  ships,  that  the  moment  you  enter  the  harbor  they 
will  destroy  them,  which  will  effectually  answer  our 
purpose." 

The  idea  of  more  batteries  was  reprobated,  having 
been  sufficiently  tried;  besides,  "that  would  take  up 
dangerous  time."  He  expresses  his  ardent  desire  to 
co-operate  with  the  fleet  in  active  operations;  that  the 
army  had  reached  the  limit  of  its  power;  the  probability 
of  a  speedy  reinforcement  of  the  enemy  necessitating 
instant  action  or  the  disgrace  of  losing  their  ships,  the 
retreat  of  the  army  being  secured.  He  continues :  "  I 
feel  for  the  honor  of  America,  in  an  expedition  which  a 
nobler  exertion  had,  long  before  this,  crowned  with 
success;  and  I  have  now  only  to  repeat  the  absolute 
necessity  of  undertaking  the  destruction  of  the  ships 
or  quitting  the  place." 

In  the  meantime,  councils  had  been  held,  nearly  every 
day,  of  land  or  sea  forces,  or  both  combined;  but  the 
fact  that  the  Commodore  was  averse  to  action,  declining 
to  risk  an  attack  for  fear  of  damaging  his  vessels,  and 
that  a  large  part  of  his  captains,  their  ships  being  pri 
vate  property,  shared  the  same  feelings,  and  that  there 
was  but  little  show  of  prize-money,  produced  conflict 
ing  opinions,and  prevented  decisive  results. 

On  the  7th,  an  incident  of  a  ludicrous  character 
occurred,  which  exposed  the  actors  to  no  small  amount 
of  disgrace.1  The  Commodore,  with  five  of  his  cap 
tains,  while  reconnoitering  in  an  open,  unarmed  boat 

1  Lovell's  Journal. 


73 


near  the  enemy,  was  discovered  by  them,  who,  guessing 
their  character,  immediately  fitted  out  a  strong  party,  in 
eight  boats,  and  gave  chase.  The  pursuit  was  so  sharp 
that  the  Commodore  and  his  company,  in  order  to  escape 
capture,  ran  their  boat  on  shore,  and  took  to  the  bush. 
The  boat  fell  a  prize  to  the  enemy,  while  the  officers, 
after  remaining  on  shore  all  night,  succeeded  in  reach 
ing  the  fleet  the  next  morning.1 

1  Calef  s  Journal,  in  Wheeler's  Castine. 


74 


CHAPTEE  X. 

THE    DEFEAT. 

N  the  12th,  however,  Gen.  Lovell  came  to  the  deter 
mination  to  take  up  such  a  position  as  should  compel 
the  Commodore  to  move,  although  his  force  was, 
at  this  time,  really  inferior  to  that  of  the  enemy, 
being  but  about  nine  hundred  men,  including  the  train 
of  artillery  and  volunteers, l  although  expecting  rein 
forcements  from  Cols.  Allen  and  Foster,  and  hoping  for 
some,  also,  from  the  Continental  government.2  Accord 
ingly,  on  the  afternoon  of  the  13th,  he  proceeded,  with 
four  hundred  men,  to  the  rear  of  the  enemy's  position, 
and  took -post  where  he  could  operate  to  the  best  advan 
tage.  The  move  was  a  dangerous  one,  but  gave  fair 
promise  of  success.  Gen.  Lovell  immediately  de 
spatched  intelligence  of  his  action  to  Commodore  Salt- 
onstall,  who  had  always  insisted  that  the  army  should 
attack  the  fort  before  the  fleet  should  enter  the  harbor.3 

1  In  the  first  return  made  during  the  expedition,  July  20,  eight  hundred 
and  seventy-three  men  reported  fit  for  duty;  the  second,  July  31,  eight 
hundred  and  forty-seven  men ;  the  third,  Aug.  4,  seven  hundred  and  sixty- 
two  ;  the  fourth,  Aug.  7,  seven  hundred  and  fifteen ;  and  the  fifth,  and  last, 
nine  hundred  and  twenty-three,  with  one  hundred  and  thirty-eight  on  the 
sick-list,  one  hundred  and  forty-four  on  command,  and  eight  on  furlough  ; 
two  companies  having  joined  Col.  McCobb  since  the  previous  return,  the 
artillery  and  volunteers  being  included  only  in  the  last  return.     [State 
Archives,  vol.  145,  pages  48,  60,  66,  83  and  101.] 

2  Arrangements  had  already  been  made  to  send  Col.  Jackson,  with  four 
hundred  regulars,  also  a  naval  contingent,  with  additional  supplies,  which 
were,  however,  too  late  to  be  of  any  avail,  the  expedition  having  been 
defeated  about  the  time  the  reinforcements  sailed  from  Boston.      [See 
"  Orders  of  Council,"  Aug.  8  to  15.    State  Archives,  vol.  145,  page  391.] 

3  Lovell's  Journal. 


75 

They  at  once  weighed  anchor,  but  had  no  sooner 
made  sail  than  report  was  brought  that  a  fleet  was 
entering  the  bay.  Word  was  instantly  conveyed  to 
the  General,  who,  without  loss  of  time,  returned  to  his 
previous  position.  At  twelve  in  -the  night,  intelligence 
came  from  the  Commodore  that  the  strange  fleet  were 
ships  of  force,  and  British. 

Orders  were  given  for  an  immediate  retreat,  which 
was  effected  in  good  order,  and  without  loss.  The 
batteries  were  dismantled,  and  the  artillery  re-embarked 
on  the  transports,  the  fatigue  parties,  with  the  entrench 
ing  tools,  and  every  other  article  of  value,  were  on 
board  by  daylight,  the  troops  by  sunrise,  and  orders 
were  given  to  proceed  up  the  river,  under  command 
of  Gen.  Wadsworth.  The  only  articles  not  brought  off 
were  two  eighteen-pounders  and  one  twelve-pounder, 
on  an  island  at  the  entrance  of  the  harbor,  under  the 
care  of  the  officers  of  the  navy.1  The  General  used 
every  effort  to  secure  these,  but  the  time  was  too  short, 
and  the  covering  ships  had  withdrawn. 

The  transports  immediately  proceeded  up  the  bay; 
but  when  they  reached  the  mouth  of  the  river,  about 
two  leagues  away,  —  the  breeze  falling  and  the  tide 
being  on  the  ebb,  —  they  cast  anchor.  The  General, 
meanwhile,  took  a  barge,  and  waited  upon  the  Commo 
dore,  to  try  and  induce  him  to  offer  what  resistance  was 
possible  to  the  British,  and  thus  enable  the  transports, 
with  the  troops  and  stores,  to  escape  to  some  point  on 
the  river  above,  where  a  stand  could  be  made,  and  the 
fleet,  perhaps,  saved;  but,  on  reaching  the  "Warren," 
they  were  told  that  it  was  determined  to  run  up  the 
river,  and  the  ships  were  even  then  getting  under  way 
for  the  purpose,  a  light  breeze  beginning  to  be  felt, 
while  the  enemy's  first  division  was  coming  in  under 

1  Lovell's  Report  in  State  Archives,  vol.  145,  page  158. 


76 


full  sail,  distant  about  two  miles.1  Learning  the  deter 
mination  of  the  Commodore,  Gen.  Lovell,  after  express 
ing  his  surprise  at  the  movement,  embarked  on  board 
his  boat  to  return  to  his  troops;  but  the  breeze  in 
creased  so  rapidly  that  the  ships-of-war  soon  came  up 
with  them,  and  the  General  was  taken  on  board  the 
"Hazard." 

From  this  time  forward,  there  was  but  one  continued 
scene  of  consternation  and  confusion.  Finding  that 
they  were  to  receive  no  support  from  the  armed  vessels 
which  were  only  doing  their  best  to  make  good  their 
own  escape,  the  transports  immediately  proceeded  to 
get  under  way,  just  feeling  the  breeze;  but,  being  now 
astern,  close  to  the  enemy,  and  finding  that  they  must 
inevitably  fall  into  their  hands,  nothing  was  thought  of 
by  the  crews  but  as  speedy  escape  as  possible  to  the 
shore,  and  hardly  an  attempt  was  made  to  save  anything. 
Some  were  run  on  shore,  some  anchored,  some  aban 
doned  with  all  sails  set,  and  most  set  on  fire.  Officers 
were  despatched  by  Gen.  Lovell  to  the  shore  to  collect 
and  take  charge  of  the  troops;  but  so  great  was  the 
panic,  so  convenient  the  woods  and  the  approaching 
night,  that  but  few  could  be  found;  the  greater  part, 
thinking  that  nothing  further  was  expected  of  them, 
made  the  best  of  their  way,  singly  or  in  squads,  towards 
the  Kennebec,  where  the  most  of  them  arrived,  after 
nearly  a  week's  fatigue,  suffering  greatly  from  exposure 
and  hunger,  some  of  them  tasting  no  food  for  several 
days.2 

The  ships-of-war  were  in  no  better  condition  than  the 
transports,  simply  flying  into  a  trap  whence  they  could  be 
taken  at  leisure.  The  General,  fearing  their  destruc 
tion,  hastened  to  secure  their  safety,  urging  that  a  line 

1  State  Archives,  vol.  145,  pages  230-7.    Maj.  Todd's  Report. 

2  Todd's  Report.     State  Archives,  vol.  145,  page  230. 


77 

be  formed  across  the  river,  and  a  defence  made  at  some 
point  where  that  could  easily  be  done,  offering  to  sup 
port  them  with  the  troops  that  remained;  but  upon 
application  to  the  Commodore  to  know  if  any  measures 
had  been  concerted  for  their  security,  he  found  him 
wholly  undetermined  and  irresolute  —  completely  un 
manned.1 

The  hostile  fleet  consisted  of  seven  sail,  —  one  two- 
decker,  two  frigates,  two  sloops-of- war,  with  two  smaller 
vessels, —  carrying  two  hundred  and  four  guns  and 
fifteen  hundred  and  thirty  men,  under  Sir  George  Col 
lier.2  This  force,  with  the  three  sloops-of-war  already 
in  the  harbor,  presented  too  strong  a  force  to  be  suc 
cessfully  contested  in  the  open  sea;  but  in  a  river, 
offering  so  many  points  of  easy  defence  as  the  Penob- 
scot,  the  result  was  shameful,  since  the  American  force 
was  yet  numerically  much  superior  to  that  of  the  enemy 
in  guns  and  men,  although  inferior  in  weight  of  metal 
and  tonnage. 

Sir  George  made  no  delay,  but  proceeded  at  once  to 
attack  his  foe,  and  his  boldness  had  the  desired  effect, 
producing,  as  has  been  seen,  the  panic  that  resulted  in 
the  total  destruction  of  the  fleet.3  The  Hunter,  Hamp- 
den  and  Defence,  in  attempting  to  reach  the  sea  by 
the  western  passage,  round  the  head  of  Long  Island, 
were  intercepted,  the  two  former  captured,  and  the  lat 
ter  run  into  an  inlet  and  set  on  fire.  The  remainder  of 
the  fleet  fled  before  the  enemy  up  the  river  and  wrere  all 
set  on  fire  and  blown  up  at  various  points. 

The  ordnance  brig,  on  board  of  which  was  all  the 
artillery  and  ammunition,  with  the  troops  of  Lt.  Col. 
Revere  (he  having  gone  on  shore  at  Fort  Pownal) ,  the 
sole  dependence  of  the  army  in  case  a  stand  should  be 

1  Lovell's  Report.    State  Archives,  vol.  145,  page  158. 
*  Wheeler's  Castine,  page  50. 
3  Wheeler's  Castine,  pages  350-2. 


78 


made,  was  deserted,  but  cleared  herself  from  the  trans 
ports/and  made  her  way  alone  up  the  river  for  several 
miles,  but  was  then  boarded,  set  on  fire,  and  burned  with 
all  her  contents.1  The  destruction  was  complete,  but 
two  or  three  of  the  vessels  falling  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy.  In  relation  to  the  last  act  in  this  disgraceful 
drama,  the  General  writes:2  "The  Transports  then 
again  weigh'd  anchor,  and  to  our  great  mortification 
were  soon  followed  by  our  fleet  of  men  of  war,  pursued 
by  only  four  of  the  enemy's  ships,  the  ships  of  war 
passed  the  transports,  many  of  which  got  aground,  and 
the  British  ships  coming  up  the  soldiers  were  obliged 
to  take  to  the  shore  and  set  fire  to  their  vessels.  To 
attempt  to  give  a  description  of  this  terrible  day  is  out 
of  my  power.  It  would  be  a  fit  subject  for  some 
masterly  hand  to  describe  it  in  its  true  colors ;  —  to  see 
four  ships  pursuing  seventeen  sail  of  armed  vessels,  nine 
of  which  were  stout  ships  —  transports  on  fire  —  men 
of  war  blowing  up  —  provisions  of  all  kinds,  and  every 
kind  of  stores  on  shore  (at  least  in  small  quantities) 
throwing  about,  and  as  much  confusion  as  can  possibly 
be  conceived."3 

After  the  destruction  of  the  fleet  and  the  dispersion 
of  the  troops,  excepting  a  few  remnants  which  he  placed 
in  charge  of  Gen  Wadsworth,  Gen  Lovell  proceeded 
up  the  river  to  treat  with  the  Indians,  among  whom 
there  appeared  great  uneasiness,  some  outrages  having 
been  already  committed  by  them,  which  had  excited 
the  apprehensions  of  the  inhabitants.  He  succeeded  in 

1  Major  Todd's  Report,  State  Archives,  vol.  145,  page  230. 

2  LovelPs  Journal. 

3  The  following  curious  report  is  from  a  New  York  letter  published  in  the 
"  Chronicle  and  Advertiser,"  Boston,  Sept.  30,  1779  :  "  In  the  pursuit  of  the 
rebel  fleet  up  the  Penobscot,  the  King's  fleet  were  obliged  to  come  to  an 
chor,  on  account  of  the  rebels  having  moored  a  sloop  in  the  channel  and  set 
her  on  fire ;  otherwise  their  whole  fleet  would  have  been  captured     She 
was  soon  towed  out  of  the  way,  when  the  rebels  blew  up  and  set  fire  to 
most  of  their  shipping." 


79 

quieting  them  and  in  attaching  them  to  the  American 
cause.  This  accomplished,  he  took  his  departure  for 
the  Kennebec  region  under  the  guidance  of  some  of  the 
friendly  Indians,  where  he  arrived  safely,  but  after  suf 
fering  much  fatigue.  He  here  received  orders  to  take 
post  at  some  point  in  the  eastern  part,  the  best  suited, 
in  his  judgment,  for  its  protection,  with  Col.  Jackson 
and  the  force  under  his  command,  and  was  also  empow 
ered  to  call  upon  the  militia  of  that  section  for  such  re 
inforcements  as  he  should  find  indispensably  necessary.1 
Having  completed  his  arrangements  and  settled  the 
military  affairs  of  that  part  of  the  Province  as  well  as 
circumstances  would  admit,  he  proceeded  to  Boston, 
where  he  arrived  about  the  20th  of  September.2 

The  entire  failure  of  this  important  expedition,  of 
which  so  much  had  been  expected,  and  upon  which 
had  been  expended  such  an  amount  of  money  from 
the  already  depleted  treasury  of  the  Province,  caused 
immense  excitement;  and  the  pressure  was  so  great 
that  the  General  Court  felt  called  upon  to  investigate 
the  matter.  Accordingly,  on  the  9th  of  September,  the 
General  Assembly  appointed  a  Committee  to  look  into 
the  causes  that  produced  it,  to  give  a  most  careful  ex 
amination  and  report  the  result.3  This  Committee  con 
sisted  of  Generals  Michael  Farley  ,  and  Jonathan 
Titcomb,  Col.  Moses  Little,  Major  Samuel  Osgood  and 
James  Prescott,  Esq.,  to  whom  were  joined  from  the 
Council  Generals  Artemas  Ward  and  Timothy  Daniel- 
son,  Hon.  William  Sever  and  Francis  Dana,  Esq. 

This  Committee  organized,  with  General  Artemas 
"Ward,  chairman,  and  after  a  most  thorough  hearing, 
having  examined  more  than  thirty  witnesses  from  the 
naval  and  military  departments  of  the  expedition,  on 

1  Records  of  the  Council.     State  Archives,  pages  145,  391 ;  Aug.  19. 

2  Boston  paper,  Sept.  23,  "  Chronicle  and  Advertiser." 

3  State  Archives,  vol.  145,  page  167. 


80 

the  7th  of  October  made  the  following  report,  in  the 
form  of  interrogatories  and  answers.1 

"1st  Question.  Is  it  the  opinion  of  this  Committee 
that  they  have  made  sufficient  inquiry  into  the  causes 
of  the  failure  of  the  late  expedition  to  Penobscot?  " 

Answered  unanimously,  Yes. 

"  2d  Question.  What  appears  to  be  the  principal 
reason  of  the  failure?  " 

Answer,  unanimously,  Want  of  proper  spirit  and 
energy  on  the  part  of  the  Commodore. 

"3d  Question.  Was  General  Lovell  culpable  in  not 
storming  the  enemy's  principal  Fort  according  to  the 
requirement  of  the  Commodore  and  Naval  Council,  who 
insisted  upon  that  as  the  condition  of  our  ships'  attack 
ing  the  enemy's  ships,  when  at  the  same  time  the  Com 
modore  informed  him  in  case  of  such  an  attack  he 
must  call  the  marines  on  board  their  ships  (the  last 
was  not  made  a  part  of  the  condition  by  the  Naval 
Council)  ?  " 

Answer,  unanimously,  No. 

*  4th  Question.  What,  in  the  opinion  of  this  Com 
mittee,  was  the  occasion  of  the  total  destruction  of  our 
fleet?  " 

Answer.  Principally  the  Commodore's  not  exerting 
himself  at  all  at  the  time  of  the  retreat  in  opposing  the 
enemy's  foremost  ships  in  pursuit. 

"5th  Question.  Does  it  appear  that  Gen.  Lovell 
throughout  the  expedition  and  the  retreat  acted  with 
proper  courage  and  spirit?" 

Answer,  unanimously,  Yes,  it  is  the  opinion  of  the 
Committee  had  he  been  furnished  with  all  the  men 
ordered  for  the  service,  or  been  properly  supported  by 
the  Commodore,  he  would  probably  have  reduced  the 
enemy. 

General  Court  Records,  vol.  40,  pages  65  to  67.  State  Archives,  vol. 
145,  page  350. 


81 

"6th  Question.  Does  it  appear  that  the  Commodore 
discouraged  any  enterprises  or  offensive  measures  on 
the  part  of  the  fleet?" 

Answer,  unanimously,  Yes,  and  although  he  always 
had  a  majority  of  his  Naval  Council  against  offensive 
operations,  which  majority  was  mostly  made  lip  of  the 
commanders  of  private  armed  vessels,  yet  he  repeatedly 
said  it  was  matter  of  favor  that  he  called  any  Councils, 
and  when  he  had  taken  their  advice  he  should  follow 
his  own  opinion. 

As  the  naval  commanders  in  the  service  of  the  State 
are  particularly  amenable  to  the  Government  the  Com 
mittee  think  it  their  duty  to  say  that  each  and  every  of 
them  behaved  like  brave,  experienced,  good  officers 
throughout  the  whole  of  the  expedition. 

w  7th  Question.  What  was  the  conduct  of  Brigadier 
Wadsworth  during  his  command?" 

Answer.  Brigadier  "Wadsworth  (the  second  in  com 
mand)  throughout  the  whole  expedition,  during  the  re 
treat  and  after,  till  ordered  to  return  to  Boston,  conducted 
with  great  activity,  courage,  coolness  and  prudence. 

The  Committee  find  that  the  number  of  men  ordered 
to  be  detached  for  this  service  were  deficient  nearly 
one-third.  Whether  the  shameful  neglect  is  chargeable 
upon  the  Brigadiers,  Colonels,  or  other  officers  whose 
particular  duty  it  might  have  been  to  have  faithfully 
executed  the  orders  of  the  General  Assembly,  they 
cannot  ascertain.  Oct.  7, 1779.1 

It  appears  from  the  records  of  the  expedition  that  a 
warrant  for  a  court-martial  for  the  trial  of  Dudley 
Saltonstall  was  issued  at  the  same  time  the  Committee 
of  Inquiry  was  ordered,  September  7,  to  meet  on  board 
the  Deane  frigate  on  the  14th.2 

1  Hon.  Mr.  Sever  not  present  at  all  at  the  enquiry,  and  the  Cols,  Prescott 
and  Little  absent  when  this  report  was  made,    State  Archives,  vol    145, 
page  350. 

2  State  Archives,  vol.  145,  page  169. 


82 

On  the  14th  the  court  met  and  adjourned  to  the  28th 
of  the  same  month,  at  the  request  of  the  Naval  Board, 
and  in  accordance  with  a  resolve  of  the  General  Court, 
to  see  what  action  the  latter  body  would  take  in  rela 
tion  to  the  matter,  the  Commodore  also  complaining  that 
hasty  action  would  greatly  prejudice  his  cause.  The 
most  careful  search  among  all  known  sources  of  infor 
mation  fails  to  discover  any  further  traces  of  this  court- 
martial,  although  several  of  the  accredited  histories,  and 
general  tradition,  state  that  he  was  cashiered  and  pro 
nounced  forever  incapacitated  for  holding  governmental 
office.1  (The  records  of  this  proceeding  may  have  been 
filed  at  Washington  in  the  3STavy  Department  and  de 
stroyed  when  the  public  buildings  were  burned  by  the 
British  in  the  \var  of  1812-15.)  That  such  was  the  result 
in  his  case  there  can  be  little  doubt,  from  the  finding  of 
the  Court  of  Inquiry,  and  from  the  fact  that  he  disap 
pears  from  that  time,  and  is  never  heard  of  afterwards 
in  the  public  records,  wrhile  the  other  officers  prominent 
in  the  expedition  retained  their  positions,  and  the  con 
fidence  of  the  authorities,  including  Lt.  Col.  .Revere, 
who  was  censured  for  his  conduct  while  in  that  service. 

The  Penobscot  expedition,  while  it  reflects  lasting 
disgrace  upon  the  one  chief  delinquent  (whether  acting 
from  cowardice,  or  bribery,  or  both,  it  has  been  impos 
sible  to  determine),  casts  no  discredit  upon  the  com 
mander  of  the  land  forces,  but  leaves  him  with  an 
untarnished  reputation,  as  a  brave,  patriotic  and  skilful 
general. 

It  has'  been  seen  that,  from  the  outset,  difficulties 
crowded  in  his  way.  Delay  followed  delay  in  the 
fitting  out  and  sailing  of  the  fleet  from  Boston.  The 
short  complement  and  inferior  quality  of  the  men  pro 
vided  by  the  officers  ordered  to  furnish  them,  on  their 

1  Wheeler's  Castine,  52.    Williamson's  Maine,  vol.  2,  page  477, 


83 


arrival  in  Maine,  and  the  want  of  co-operation  on  the 
part  of  the  Commodore,  were  obstacles  not  easy  to  be 
overcome,  even  by  acknowledged  genius.  It  may  be 
objected  that  he  did  not  act  with  sufficient  promptness 
and  energy,  which,  had  he  done,  the  fort  would  have 
fallen  upon  the  first  attack;  but  the  disheartened  con 
dition  of  the  garrison  and  the  weakness  of  the  works 
could  hardly  have  been  known  to  the  General;  on  the 
contrary,  he  knew  the  almost  total  want  of  discipline 
of  his  own  force,  which  report  had  exaggerated  to  the 
enemy  to  four  times  its  real  number;  and  he  knew, 
also,  that  the  force  opposed  to  him  was  nearly  equal  to 
his  own  in  numbers,  besides  being  veteran  troops ;  that 
they  had  been  in  active  preparation  for  more  than  a 
month;  and  he  had  strong  reason  to  believe  that  they 
were  fully  ready  for  his  attack,  while  his  main  reliance 
was  the  fleet.  Had  the  enemy's  ships,  whose  fire 
covered  their  fort,  been  destroyed,  his  work  would  have 
been  plain  and  comparatively  easy. 

The  landing  effected  on  the  28th  July  was  one  of  the 
most  brilliant  exploits  of  the  war,  reflecting  the  highest 
credit  upon  him  who  planned  and  executed  it;  nor,  had 
it  not  been  for  the  subsequent  misfortune,  would  it  have 
suffered  in  comparison  with  the  more  widely  celebrated 
capture  of  Stony  Point  by  Wayne,  a  nearly  contempora 
neous  action.  It  has  been  shown  how  persistent  were 
his  endeavors  in  urging  the  Commodore  up  to  his  duty, 
and  his  efforts  in  taking  advantage  of  every  circum 
stance  to  reduce  his  enemy  on  the  land  within  the 
smallest  possible  compass;  also,  how  well  he  succeeded 
in  the  latter  by  confining  him  at  last  to  the  walls  of  his 
fort;  and  the  report  of  the  Committee  of  Inquiry  of  the 
General  Court  will  be  fully  sustained  by  any  one  who 
looks  carefully  through  the  voluminous  reports  of  the 
expedition  on  the  files  of  the  State  department  in 
Boston. 


84 


CIIAPTEE  XI. 

SUBSEQUENT    CAREER. 

BESIDES  his  military  services,  and  his  duties  as  town 
officer,  it  will  be  seen  by  the  Records  of  the  Council, 
May  10,  1776,  that  Col.  Lovell  was  appointed  a  Justice 
of  the  Peace,  for  Weymouth  ; l  a  position  which  he  ap 
pears  to  have  held  through  the  greater  part  of  his  sub 
sequent  career,  having  been  reappointed,  as  his  com 
missions  show,  in  1778,  1781  and  1789. 

Upon  his  return  from  the  Penobscot  expedition, 
Gen.  Lovell  immediately  resumed  his  position  as  com- 
mander-in-chief  of  the  Suffolk  militia.2  In  August, 
1780,  he  was  unanimously  chosen  by  the  Council  to  the 
command  of  the  three  months'  men,  in  place  of  Brig. 
Gen.  Fellows,  resigned,  which  position,  from  some 
cause,  he  also  resigned.3  July  1,  1781,  he  was  commis 
sioned  Brigadier-General  of  the  Suffolk  militia  (his 
resignation  had  not  prejudiced  him  in  the  eyes  of  the 
governor),  which  position  he  continued  to  hold  to  the 
close  of  the  war.4 

Nor  did  his  misfortune  in  Maine  lower  him  in  the 
estimation  of  his  townsmen,  for,  April  24, 1780,  he,  with 
James  Humphrey,  Esq.,  Cotton  Tufts,  Esq.,  and  others, 
was  chosen  to  consider  and  report  upon  the  new  consti 
tution.5  This  committee  reported  in  favor  of  that 
instrument  as  a  whole,  at  the  same  time  proposing  sev- 

1  Records  of  the  Council,  vol.  7,  page  150. 
2 Records  of  the  Council,  vol.  14,  page  111. 

3  Records  of  the  Council,  vol.  14,  page  338. 

4  Private  papers  of  Gen.  Lovell. 

6  Weymouth  Town  Record,  vol  2,  page  65. 


85 


eral  amendments,  which  their  delegate,  Hon.  James 
Humphrey,  was  to  advocate  to  the  best  of  his  ability? 
although  he  was  instructed  to  vote  for  its  adoption? 
even  should  they  not  be  secured.  In  December  of  the 
same  year,  with  others,  he  was  chosen  on  a  committee 
to  fill  up  the  town's  quota,  and  also  to  draw  up  further 
instructions  to  the  representative  in  the  General  Court.1 

In  March,  1781,  he  was  elected  selectman,  and  in  May 
of  the  same  year  representative  to  the  General  Court.2 
This  year  the  town  voted  a  bounty  of  three  hundred 
dollars,  hard  money,  or  fifty  dollars  bounty  and  ten 
dollars  per  month,  for  recruits  for  the  Continental  ser 
vice.  In  those  days  the  fishery  question  was  deemed  a 
matter  of  so  much  consequence  that  the  following 
instructions  were  given  to  General  Lovell,  their  repre 
sentative,  December  24.3 

"  So  important  is  the  Fishery  of  the  United  States  in 
general  and  to  this  State  in  particular  that  we  conceive 
it  necessary,  that  in  negotiating  a  Peace,  the  Right  of 
the  United  States  to  the  Fishery  should  be  made  an 
indispensable  article  of  treaty,  you  are  therefore  in 
structed  to  use  your  influence  in  the  next  Sessions  of 
the  General  Court  that  application  be  made  to  Con 
gress  for  that  Purpose."  Also  that  he  request  further 
time  for  filling  up  the  requisition  of  December  2;  and 
that  the  Treasurer  of  the  Commonwealth  suspend  the 
executions  against  the  constables  of  the  town. 

He  served  the  town  as  selectman  until  1787,  and  as 
representative  in  1783.  In  September  of  the  latter  year 
he  was  chosen  with  Hon.  Cotton  Tufts  to  act  for  the 
town  in  a  suit  brought  against  it.4 

1  Wey mouth  Town  Record,  vol.  2,  page  71. 

2  Weymoulh  Town  Record,  vol.  2,  page  72. 
Weymouth  Town  Record,  vol  2,  page  82. 

'Weymouth  Town  Record,  vol.  2,  page  87. 
*  Weymouth  Town  Record,  vol.  2,  page  105. 


86 

The  town  of  Weymouth  seems  to  have  had  a  decided 
objection  to  any  separation  from  Suffolk  County,  for 
when  the  matter  was  in  agitation  in  1784,  Gen. 
Lovell  was  chosen  to  represent  the  town,  and  also  in 
1793,  when  Norfolk  County  was  set  off  from  the  former, 
Urban  Bates  and  Gen.  Lovell  were  chosen  a  com 
mittee  to  draft  and  prefer  a  petition  to  the  General 
Court  to  set  off  Weymouth  from  Norfolk  County,  and 
reannex  the  same  to  Suffolk,1  but  without  avail,  and 
Weymouth  remains  a  part  of  Norfolk  County  to  this 
day.  From  this  time  to  the  close  of  his  life  the  Gen 
eral  held  various  positions  of  trust  and  importance  in  the 
gift  of  the  town  •  the  most  prominent  movement,  how 
ever,  of  his  later  years,  was  in  connection  with  an 
attempt  to  divide  the  town. 

When  the  town  was  divided  into  two  Precincts  in 
1723,  and  the  South  Parish  was  formed,  the  question  of 
the  parsonage  property  which  had  been  granted  by  the 
t3wn  at  various  times  for  religious  purposes,  was  left 
unsettled,  and  became,  ever  afterwards,  a  fruitful  source 
of  contention  ;  and  was  almost  continually  a  cause  of 
irritation  and  discord  in  town  meetings.  This  gradu 
ally  extended  to  other  matters,  and  the  trouble  became 
so  serious  as  to  warrant,  in  the  minds  of  many  of  the 
citizens,  a  desire  for  a  separation.  Gen.  Lovell,  one  of 
the  most  prominent  of  the  citizens  of  the  North  Parish, 
and  a  large  property  owner,  was  among  the  foremost  in 
agitating  the  question  of  a  new  town  ;  and  in  May, 
1796,  the  matter  had  reached  such  a  strength  that  a 
petition  for  the  purpose  had  been  presented  to  the  Gen 
eral  Court;  but  the  town  was  not  yet  quite  ready  to 
sustain  the  petition,  and  so  instructed  their  representa 
tive  to  oppose  it.2 

1  Weymouth  Town  Records,  vol.  2,  page  181. 

2  Weymouth  Town  Records,  vol.  2,  page  199. 


87 


The  matter  was  by  no  means  settled  when  the 
petitioners  had  leave  to  withdraw.  It  but  added  fuel 
to  the  flame  already  kindled,  which  in  the  end  very 
nearly  accomplished  the  purpose  intended,  the  town 
in  January,  1798,  voting  in  favor  of  a  similar  petition.1 
The  business,  however,  was  principally  done  in  the 
parish  meetings  rather  than  in  those  of  the  town,  each 
parish  being  nearly  unanimous  in  its  own  meeting — the 
]N~orth  for,  the  South  against. 

As  early  as  1774,  when  he  was  elected  one  of  the 
assessors  of  the  North  Parish,2  Gen.  Lovell  took  a  deep 
interest  in  the  affairs  of  the  Parish,  although  it  does  not 
appear  that  he  was  ever  a  member  of  the  church ;  and 
from  that  time  until  1797,  he  almost  continuously  held 
important  office  therein,  or  served  upon  responsible 
committees.  Nothing  of  consequence  was  done  in  which 
his  advice  and  counsel  were  not  sought.  Was  the  par 
sonage  property  in  question,  or  a  new  minister  to  be 
called,  Gen.  Lovell  was  always  a  member  of  the 
Parish  Committee.  And  so,  when  the  question  of  a 
division  of  the  town  came  up  in  the  deliberations  of  the 
Parish,  he  was  one  of  the  leaders,  and  with  forty-three 
others3  on  the  first  recorded  vote  on  the  question,  was 
found  in  favor  of  separation,  to  nineteen  against  it- 
He  was  chosen  on  the  committee  to  confer  with  the 
South  Parish4  in  relation  to  the  matter.  In  1797,  he  was 
chosen  one  of  the  committee  with  Col.  Asa  "White, 
Lieut.  Elnathan  Bates,  Hon.  Cotton  Tufts  and  Capt. 
Joshua  Bates,  to  petition  the  General  Court  for  an  in 
corporation  as  a  new  town.5  The  town  was  thoroughly 
canvassed  with  regard  to  population  and  property,  a 

1  Weymouth  Town  Records,  vol.  2,  page  206, 

2  Parish  Records,  vol.  1,  page  110. 

3  Parish  Records,  vol.  1,  page  243. 

4  Parish  Records,  vol.  1,  page  246. 

6  Weymouth  Town  Records,  vol.  2,  page  270. 


88 


joint  committee  afterwards  chosen,  and  a  line  mutually 
agreed  upon,  which  was  surveyed  by  James  Humphrey, 
2d,  Esq.,  and  recorded  on  Parish  Eecords,  vol.  2,  page 
29.1 

Of  the  private  history  of  Gen.  Lovell  not  much  is 
known,  and  his  personal  appearance  has  not  been  pre 
served,  no  portrait  or  likeness  ever  having  been  taken. 
A  grandson  remembers  being  taken,  when  a  child  of 
only  four  years,  between  his  grandfather's  knees,  a  posi 
tion  of  great  honor.  He  also  remembers  him  as  a  large, 
finely-formed  man.  A  granddaughter  remembers  hear 
ing  her  mother  say  that  he  was  a  very  handsome  man 
on  horseback,  and  that  he  was  also  a  very  pleasant  man. 
What  his  neighbors  thought  of  him  the  public  records 
fully  attest. 

His  family  consisted  of  two  children  by  his  first  wife : 
the  first  died  in  infancy  in  1759;  the  second,  Lydia, 
born  May  17, 1761,  married  Nov.  20,  1796,  Mr.  Nathan 
iel  Beale.  By  his  second  marriage  there  issued  a  son, 
James,  born  Jan.  27,  1763,  who  died  March  30,  same 
year;  then  followed  Sarah,  born  May  5,  1764,  who  died 
in  1767;  Hannah,  born  Oct.  18,  1765,  and  died  Dec. 
19,  same  year;  also  another  Hannah  whQ  died  June  14, 
1767;  Dr.  James,  born  Jan.  1,  1768,  who  married, 
Nov.  8,  1798,  Mrs.  Priscilla  Winch,  and  died  April  8, 


1  The  action  extended  over  a  period  of  several  years,  the  latter  part  of 
•which  Dr  James  Lovell,  son  of  Gen.  Solomon,  replaced  his  father  in  con 
ducting  the  business.  Among  the  Doctor's  papers,  those  relating  to  this 
matter  are  very  full  and  valuable,  particularly  those  relating  to  the  vital  and 
property  statistics,  from  which  it  appears  that  of  the  1803  inhabitants,  965 
were  of  the  North  Parish,  and  838  of  the  South ;  of  the  412  ratable  polls, 
211  were  of  the  North,  and  201  of  the  South;  while  the  North  had  at  in 
terest  $20,133,  and  two-fifths  of  the  acres  of  land,  and  the  South  had  at 
interest  $22,950,  and  three-fifths  of  the  number  of  acres.  At  the  last  action 
in  the  North  Parish  the  vote  was  unanimous.  The  Committee  of  the  Sen 
ate,  1802,  drafted  a  bill  for  a  new  town,  which  passed  that  body,  but  was 
by  the  House  referred  to  the  next  General  Court.  A  further  effort  was 
made  the  next  year,  but  without  success,  and  the  matter  dropped. 


89 

1820,  without  issue;  Hannah,  born  July  6,  1771,  mar 
ried,  Jan.  4,  1798,  Capt.  Luther  Little,  of  Marshfield,  by 
whom  she  had  several  children;  and  Mary,  born  April 
28,  1773,  who  married,  Sept.  4,  1794,  Capt.  William 
Wildes,  of  Weymouth,  by  whom  she  had  a  large  family, 
several  of  whom  are  yet  living.  Capt.  Wildes  settled 
upon  the  old  Lovell  estate,  and  built  a  house  on  the 
eastern  slope  of  King  Oak  Hill,  but  a  few  rods  from 
the  spot  where  stood  the  old  mansion  of  Capt.  Enoch 
Lovell,  the  grandfather  of  General  Solomon.  The 
house,  the  property  of  a  daughter  who  occupies  it,  is 
still  standing,  and  has  an  ancient,  stately  look.  There 
are  no  descendants  of  the  General  in  the  male  line,  but 
the  name  is  preserved  by  several  as  a  middle  name 
among  the  children  and  grandchildren  of  his  daughters. 
There  is  no  record  of  the  last  years  of  the  General's  life, 
beyond  the  public  record  of  his  death,  which  good  old 
Parson  Norton  records  as  having  taken  place  Sept.  9, 
1801,  of  a  w  complication  of  disorders,"  aged  69  years. 
He  was  buried  in  the  family  tomb  of  the  Pitteys,  in  a 
field  not  far  to  the  north  of  his  homestead.  The  tomb 
has  since  fallen  to  decay,  and  his  remains  now  rest  in 
the  tornb  of  Capt.  William  Wildes  in  Old  Burying 
Ground  at  North  Weymouth.  His  wife  preceded  him 
to  the  tomb,  having  passed  away  July  8,  1795,  at  the 
age  of  66  years.  She,  too,  according  to  Parson  Nor 
ton's  diary,  died  of  "  complicated  disorder." 

Such  are  the  facts,  as  far  as  they  have  been  accessi 
ble,  of  the  life  of  one  of  the  prominent  men  of  Wey 
mouth.  Esteemed  and  honored  in  his  owTn  town,  where 
most  familiarly  known,  respected  and  trusted  in  the 
counsels  of  the  State,  which  he  for  many  years  served 
faithfully  and  well,  his  name  has  been  handed  down 
through  the  generations,  as  that  of  one  of  whom  the 
town  may  well  be  proud,  one  to  whom  the  young  may 
look  with  respect  and  veneration,  whose  example  it 


90 

were  safe  to  follow,  and  upon  whom  all  may  look  as  a 
high-minded  and  worthy  citizen. 

In  making  an  estimate  of  the  character  of  Gen. 
Lovell,  the  first  difficulty  encountered  is  the  paucity  of 
material  concerning  his  private  life  —  his  social  rela 
tions;  for,  aside  from  family  traditions  which  are  by  no 
means  profuse,  we  have  almost  nothing  upon  which  to 
build,  and  the  familiar  incidents  that  are  so  abundant 
and  useful  in  the  lives  of  many  of  our  public  men,  and 
which  go  so  far  in  giving  a  true  insight  into  the  motives 
and  inducements  that  prompted  and  guided  the  life,  are 
almost  wholly  lacking  in  his. 

The  estimate  must  be  made  almost  wholly  from  his 
public  record,  as  found  relating  to  his  various  positions 
of  trust  and  consequence  in  town,  parish,  State  and 
military  affairs.  These  afford  by  no  means  the  most 
doubtful  sources  of  judgment,  but,  on  the  contrary,  are 
probably  the  most  faithful  exponents  of  the  general 
verdict  —  usually  the  correct  one.  From  these  we  may 
say  that  he  was  thoroughly  honest  and  trustworthy. 
The  members  of  his  own  parish,  who  knew  him  best, 
and  who  would  have  discovered  his  faults  the  most 
quickly,  placed  him  in  their  most  responsible  positions, 
and  kept  him  there,  llis  townsmen,  who  might  be  sup 
posed  the  best  judges  of  their  own  people,  and  of  the 
qualities  requisite  to  serve  them  best,  kept  him,  almost 
constantly,  in  the  highest  offices  within  their  gift;  and 
there  is  no  hint,  in  any  record  or  tradition,  that  he  ever 
failed  to  respond,  heartily  and  satisfactorily,  to  their 
calls. 

These  afford  the  best  evidence,  also,  of  his  integ 
rity  and  ability,  as  judged  by  their  standards.  Of  his 
claims  to  a  higher  degree  of  qualifications  than  the 
average  of  his  fellow-citizens  in  the  transaction  of  pub 
lic  business,  and  of  the  confidence  reposed  in  him  by 
those  in  power  in  the  State  government,  his  repeated 


91 

and  successive  appointments  to  posts  of  honor  and 
responsibility,  requiring  the  exercise  of  talents  of  a 
high  order,  by  his  fellow-members  of  the  General  Court 
and  the  officers  of  the  State  government,  are  ample 
proofs.  In  his  long  public  service,  no  sign  of  disap 
proval,  upon  any  occasion  has  left  its  impress  upon  the 
records. 

It  may  be  said  that  his  military  record,  although  a 
long  one,  was  never  active  or  brilliant,  and  that  if  he 
had  talents  in  that  direction  of  a  higher  order  than 
usual,  they  had  never  opportunity  to  display  themselves. 
But  let  it  be  remembered,  that  his  early  entrance  into 
military  life,  amid  the  active  duties  of  frontier  war 
fare;  his  steady  promotion  in  the  same  corps;  his  ap 
pointment  by  the  General  Court,  of  which  he  was  a 
member,  to  the  important  and  responsible  position  of 
Brigadier-General  of  the  Suffolk  militia,  giving  him 
the  command,  virtually,  of  the  large  New  England 
district,  at  a  time  that  called  for  the  nicest  tact  and 
discrimination,  as  well  as  judgment  and  skill;  his  long 
service  there;  his  appointment  to  the  command  of  a 
brigade  in  the  Rhode  Island  campaign,  repeated  more 
than  once;  his  acknowledged  service  there,  and  his 
appointment  to  the  chief  command  of  the  land  forces  in 
the  Penobscot  expedition,  with  his  undoubted  retention 
of  public  confidence,  'notwithstanding  its  disastrous 
issue;  the  repeated  public  acknowledgments  of  the 
value  of  his  service,  without  the  slightest  intimation  of 
dissatisfaction  at  any  time,  are  certainly  no  scanty  proofs 
of  his  military  abilities. 

The  occasions  that  called  for  their  active  exercise  in 
the  field  were  not  so  many  as  those  of  some  of  his  illus 
trious  contemporaries ;  yet,  when  they  did  occur,  he  was 
never  found  delinquent;  and  in  some,  where  oppor 
tunity  offered,  he  exhibited  a  degree  of  courage,  pres 
ence  of  mind  and  quick  comprehension  of  the  situation, 


92 

with  skill  of  adaptation,  that  do  him  no  discredit  when 
compared  with  some  of  our  most  successful  and  justly 
celebrated  generals. 

If  success  or  failure  is  to  be  the  test  of  ability  and 
character,  then  many  of  our  brightest  and  best  examples 
must  be  rejected,  and  their  places  filled  by  others  who 
have  nothing  but  "  luck  "  upon  which  to  found  a  repu 
tation.  But  the  judgment  of  mankind  has  better 
learned  to  discriminate,  and  the  meed  is  given  to  real 
worth,  although  it  be  often  clouded  by  adverse  circum 
stances.  And  so  it  may  be  truly  said  of  Gen.  Lovell: 
he  was  honest,  brave  and  competent;  faithful  in  all  the 
relations  of  life,  carrying  the  respect  and  esteem  of  all 
with  whom  it  was  his  privilege  to  associate. 


GENERAL  LOVELL'S  JOURNAL, 


JOURNAL. 


1779.  July.  Thursday,  15.  —  Set  out  from  Boston 
at  noon  embarked  on  board  the  Warren  in  Nantasket 
Road  bound  on  an  Expedition  against  the  Enemies  of 
the  States  at  Penobscot.  fresh  wind  to  the  northward 
the  Fleet  not  ready,  the  Commodore  came  on  board  in  the 
afternoon. 

Friday,  16.  —  Ready  for  sea  but  the  wind  at  N.  E 
very  fresh,  parted  our  Cable. 

Saturday,  17.  —  Drizly  weather  fresh  Breeze  at  N  E 

Sunday,  18.  —  Rainy  forenoon.  Pleasant  afternoon. 
My  family  and  self  went  to  Weymouth  spent  a  few 
hours  at  home. 

Monday,  19.  —  Fair  pleasant  weather.  "Wind  S.  "W. 
the  whole  Fleet  got  under  way  viz.  "Warren,  Putnam, 
Yengence,  Monmouth,  Sky  Rocket,  Hector,  Hunter  the 
Brigs  Diligence,  Hazard,  Tyrannicide  &  ten  Trans 
ports,  the  Tyrannicide  ordered  by  the  Commodore  into 
Portsmouth  wth  the  signals  for  the  Hampden  &  orders 
for  her  to  join,  the  Fleet,  this  afternoon  join'd  by  the 
Black  Prince  a  Ship  twenty  Guns  from  Salem. 

Tuesday,  20.  —  Last  Night  lay  too  off  Portsmouth 
Moderate  weather  light  southerly  wind.  The  Tyranni 
cide  returns  from  Portsmouth,  reports  the  Hampden 
sail'd  from  thence  on  Monday  A.  M.  a  strange  sail  to 
Leeward  Hazard  &  Diligence  chase,  proves  to  be  the 


96 

Gen  Glover  of  Marblehead  mounting  14  Guns  S.  Hart 
Commander  News,  informed  by  his  Prisoners  that 
seven  Thousand  Troops  had  sail'd  from  England  in 
three  hundred  Transports  the  23d  May. 

Wednesday,  21.  — Very  thick  Fogg  this  forenoon  saw 
none  of  the  Fleet  till  11  oclock  clears  away  the  Wind 
sprung  up  moderate  at  S.  S.  West,  in  the  afternoon  a 
pretty  Breeze,  a  sail  to  windwrard  Putnam,  Hector  & 
Hazard  order'd  to  chase  proves  to  be  the  Sky  Rocket 
Capt  Burke,  we  arrive  at  Townscnd  find  the  first  divi 
sion  of  Transports  join'd  by  the  Hampden  from  Ports 
mouth  a  Ship  of  20  Guns,  establish  Head  Quarrs  at 
the  house  of  the  Rev'd  Mr  Murray  a  much  Genteeler 
seat  than  was  by  most  Persons  expected  to  be  found 
in  this  part  of  the  Country,  very  agreably  &  sociably 
treated  by  the  worthy  Clergyman,  examine  the  returns 
of  the  Troops  find  them  fall  short  of  their  Quota  (which 
is  1500  Men)  above  500  Men.  give  out  orders  for  the 
Troops  to  draw  their  Provision  &  Ammunition  &  other 
necessaries,  and  for  them  to  be  review'd  tomorrow  & 
notwithstanding  the  shortness  of  Men  to  be  after  re 
view'd  embarked  immediately. 

Thursday,  22.  —  A  fine  day  the  Wind  fair  but  cannot 
take  advantage  of  it  not  being  ready,  This  day  am 
visited  by  the  principal  Officers  of  the  Army,  write  to 
%Brigrs  from  whom  the  Forces  where  drawn  complain 
ing  of  the  compliment  of  Men  not  being  forwarded,  in 
the  Afternoon  review  the  Troops  two  Reg19  embark 
the  other  not  having  supplied  themselves  are  order'd  to 
embark  tomorrow  by  six  oclock  A.  M.  the  Regiments 
are  commanded  by  Col°  McCobb,  Col°  Mitchell  &  a 
Detachment  of  one  hundred  &  fifty  Men  by  Major 
Littlefield. 

This  day  the  Fleet  is  join'd  by  the  Charming  Sally  a 
fine  Ship  of  20  Guns  &  Brig  Defence  of  14  do  Orders 


97 

for  all  the  field  Officers  to  attend  a  Consultation  this 
Evening  and  Desire  the  Commodore  &  his  Captains  to 
attend 

Friday,  23d.  —  Mr  Murray  at  my  request  has  deter 
mined  to  proceed  with  us  on  the  Expedition.  I  shou'd 
be  wanting  in  Gratitude  where  I  not  to  mention  with 
peculiar  pleasure  the  exceeding  hospitallity  agreahle  & 
polite  treatment  with  which  we  have  been  treated  in  the 
Worthy  Gentlemans  family,  this  morning  had  an  inter 
view  with  a  chief  of  the  Norrige  "Walk  Tribe  of  Indians, 
to  appearance  he  &  his  followers  are  friendly  to  our 
Cause  &  say  they  will  not  assist  our  Enemies,  we  sup 
plied  them  with  necessaries  &  bid  them  farewell.  This 
morning  we  embark'd  on  board  the  Sloop  Sally  a  Trans 
port  but  the  wind  being  unfavourable  cannot  put  to 
sea.  issue  Orders  for  the  regulation  of  the  landing  the 
Troops.  The  Troops  &  Fleet  now  compleatly  ready  to 
proceed. 

July.  Saturday,  24th.  —  This  morning  a  fair  Breeze  & 
Day  set  sail  from  Townsend  towards  Penobscot.  the  wind 
soon  dies  away  to  a  Calm,  till  12  oclock  when  a  fair 
wind  sprung  up  from  S.  S.  West,  we  observed  several 
smokes  which  we  are  informed  is  unusual  at  this  Time 
of  the  Year.  &  by  their  continuing  the  smoke  as  we 
advanc'd  along  the  coast  we  suppose  them  to  proceed 
from  Traitors  hir'd  by  the  Enemy  to  give  them  intelli 
gence  of  our  approach.  This  Evening  we  are  at 
Anchor  Under  the  Fox  Islands  nine  miles  from  the 
Enemy  at  Magabagaduce,  We  are  visited  by  some 
Penobscot  Indians  who  are  determined  to  proceed  with 
us.  they  have  been  tamp'd  with  by  Gen  McLane  but 
they  wou'd  not  join  him. 

Sunday,  25.  —  Come  to  sail  from  Fox  Island  and 
reach  Magabagaduce  with  a  fair  light  Breeze  about 
12  oclock  when  the  wind  blew  pretty  hard,  the  Trans- 


98 


ports  came  to  anchor  under  Bragaduce  cover'd  by  the 
Ship  Sally  Brigs  Hazard  &  Active,  about  seven  oclock 
We  attempted  a  Landing  against  a  very  high  head  of 
land  cover'd  thick  with  with  Brush  &  Trees,  the  wind 
blew  so  high  We  found  if  the  first  division  landed  they 
wou'd  be  in  danger  before  the  boats  cou'd  return  and 
disembark  the  second,  therefore  the  Gen  sent  conter 
Orders  just  as  they  receiv'd  them  they  receiv'd  the 
fire  from  the  Enemy  on  Shore,  who  cou'd  not  be  seen 
on  ace1  of  the  thickness  of  the  Brush,  they  returned 
with  the  loss  of  one  Indian  kill'd 

Monday,  26.  —  The  men  are  of  the  first  division 
order'd  into  their  boats  to  make  a  feint  of  landing  on 
the  Bluff  head  of  Major  bragaduce  while  the  marines 
were  to  land  on  an  Island  in  the  harbour  which  com 
mands  the  Shipping  &  one  of  their  Batteries,  the  marines 
made  good  their  landing  drove  the  Enemy  off  the  Island 
and  took  four  pieces  of  Artillery  &  some  ammunition, 
without  the  loss  of  a  Man.  Gen  Wadsworth  with  the 
first  division  left  their  feint  &  supported  the  marines 
but  unfortunately  lost  the  worthy  Major  Littlefield  & 
two  men  by  a  chane  shot  from  the  Enemy's  Shipping 
which  sunk  their  Boat  and  were  drownded.  the  Gen 
order'd  forward  the  entrenching  tools  &  one  12  pounder 
&  one  Brass  howit  in  addition  to  one  Field  Piece, 
likewise  two  18  pounders  which  will  make  their  Battery 
rather  warm  by  tommow  P.  M.  IS"  B  the  marines 
brought  a  British  flag  (which  they  the  British  Left  on 
the  Island)  to  the  General  as  a  Trophy  of  warr.  their 
retreat  was  so  precipitate  that  they  left  their  Tents 
standing,  the  Ships  cannonaded  the  Enemy  &  Batter 
ies  this  afternoon  very  severely 

Tuesday,  27th.  —  This  day  is  spent  in  fortifying  the 
Island  &  preparing  for  to  attack  the  Enemy  in  the 
afternoon  we  had  a  Council  on  board  the  Warren  when 


99 


we  came  to  a  fixt  determination  to  Land  on  the  Penin 
sula  in  possession  of  the  Enemy,  this  peninsula  is 
formed  by  the  River  Penobseot  &  the  River  Magabig- 
waduce  from  whence  it  takes  its  name,  that  part  that 
joins  Penobseot  river  is  an  exceeding  high  Bluff  head 
cover'd  thick  with  Trees  &  Brush  under  this  head  our 
Transports  took  their  station  &  the  Men  of  War  off 
the  Harbour. 

Wednesday,  28th.  —  This  morning  before  Light  all 
the  Troops  were  order'd  into  their  Boats  and  a  little  be 
fore  Sunrise  they  formed,  &  gave  three  Cheers  &  pushed 
on  for  the  Shore,  (viz  the  high  land  mentioned  yester 
day,),  they  soon  landed  under  Cover  of  a  severe  Can 
nonade  from  our  Shipping  and  were  opposed  by  about 
three  hundred  of  the  Enemy  hid  behind  trees  &  Bush, 
and  as  soon  as  the  Boats  struck  the  Enemy  gave  them 
their  fire,  but  they  push'd  on  with  bravery  &  soon  drove 
them  from  their  strong  possesion,  we  then  took  post 
in  the  Woods  upon  a  Piece  of  Ground  as  high  as  their 
main  fort  and  before  Night  gave  them  some  shot  from  a 
field  Piece.  When  I  returned  to  the  Shore  it  struck 
me  with  admiration  to  see  what  a  Precipice  we  had 
ascended,  not  being  able  to  take  so  scrutinous  a  view 
of  it  in  time  of  Battle,  it  is  a  least  where  we  landed 
three  hundred  feet  high,  and  almost  perpendicular  & 
the  men  were  obliged  to  pull  themselves  up  by  the 
twigs  &  trees.  I  dont  think  such  a  landing  has  been, 
made  since  Wolfe,  as  soon  as  we  made  good  our  land 
ing  I  sent  for  the  entrenching  Tools  and  we  soon  had  a 
tolerable  covering  thrown  up  we  open  our  Battery  from 
the  Island  which  occasion'd  their  evacuating  a  Battery 
of  3  Guns  6  pounders  leaving  them  behind  with  some 
Ammunition  in  our  possesion.  We  lost  this  day  14 
MlPd  &  20  woimd'd,  the  Enemy  15  kilFd  8  Prisoners 

Thursday,  29.  — We  continue  fortifying   lay  out  a 


100 

Battery  about  {  of  a  mile  from  the  Enemy's   Grand 
Fort     nothing  remarkable  happen'd  to  day 

Friday,  30.  —  This  afternoon  we  open  our  Battery  of 
two  eighteen  pounders  &  one  twelve  do.  &  one  Howitz 
and  play  upon  their  grand  Fort. 

The  Lincoln  Galley  arrived  express  from  Boston. 

Saturday,  31.  —  Continue  our  Cannonade,  which  is 
returned  with  some  vigour  from  their  Fort.  One  shot 
from  them  wounded  two  Men,  &  some  others  did  exe 
cution 

Sunday,  Aug8t  1.  —  This  morning  by  two  oclock  I 
detach'd  about  300  Men  including  Sailors  &  Marines 
under  the  command  of  Br.  Gen  Wadsworth  to  take  a 
Battery  in  possesion  of  the  Enemy  which  commands 
their  Harbour,  &  protects  their  sniping,  they  march' d 
with  order  till  they  receiv'd  the  fire  of  the  Enemy  when 
they  broke,  but  notwithstanding  this  some  brave  fel 
lows  push'd  into  the  Battery  took  18  prisoners  &  kill'd 
5  of  the  Enemy  destroyed  some  stores  and  came  off  with 
with  the  loss  of  4  Men  missing  &  twelve  wound'd  among 
the  latter  Major  Sawyer  a  brave  and  worthy  good  offi 
cer  supposed  mortally  We  cou'd  not  keep  possession 
as  their  main  fort  commanded  it.  about  sunrise  it  began 
to  rain  &  rain'd  almost  the  whole  Day  very  severely. 
as  the  Men  are  without  Tents  it  is  very  distressing 
but  they  bear  it  with  a  fortitude  becoming  Americans. 

Monday,  Aug*  2.  — Nothing  remarkable  happen'd  to 
Day  in  the  Seige  way  sent  Mr  Murray  in  the  Lincoln 
on  express  to  Boston  to  inform  the  Councill  of  our  situa 
tion. 

Tuesday,  Aug*  3.  —  This  afternoon  came  to  a  reso 
lution  to  erect  a  Battery  on  a  point  of  land  on  the  main, 
opposite  the  Enemy's  Men  of  War  (as  the  Commodore 
does  not  think  it  expedient  to  go  in  with  His  Ships)  to 


101 


endeavor  to  drive  them  out  to  him,  Send  a  detachment 
under  Brigr  Wads  worth  with  one  18  pounder  one  9  $> 
&  field  piece  they  land  in  Swets  Cove,  march  l£  mile 
to  place  intended,  the  Seamen  from  the  Hazard  &  Tyr 
annicide  give  every  assistance  requir'd  in  getting  a  Shore 
the  Artillery  from  the  Transports  Sent  a  flag  to  the 
Enemy  by  Capt  Thomas  &  Secy  Marston  to  inquire 
whether  Mr.  Dennis  an  amiable  young  Gentn  was  pris 
oner  or  Ml  I'd  learnt  he  died  yesterday  of  a  mortal 
wound  rec'd  Sunday  morng 

Wednesday,  Aug*  4.  —  Open  our  Battery  against 
their  ships  of  War  but  to  little  effect  it  being  too  great 
a  distance  to  be  sure  of  our  mark  however  its  all  that 
the  Army  can  do  &  they  have  tried  their  best  to  de 
stroy  them.  This  Afternoon  (&  for  several  Days  past) 
we  have  had  Alarms,  the  enemy  made  a  show  of  at 
tacking  our  Battery  on  the  Main,  the  Gen  immediately 
order'd  100  Men  to  reinforce  Gen  Wadsworth  &  50  to 
be  in  readiness,  &  the  whole  Army  under  Arms,  the 
Men  are  much  fatigu'd  being  continually  on  some  ser 
vice  or  other,  either  Picket  or  throwing  up  works,  and 
are  begining  to  sickly. 

Thursday,  Aug*  5.  —  This  Afternoon  a  party  of  the 
Enemy  sally'd  out  on  our  right  but  upon  receiving  a  fire 
from  our  out  Picket  they  retir'd  in  confusion  to  their 
fort  Capt  Newcomb  with  his  rangers  had  a  skirmish 
with  a  small  Party  of  the  Enemy  kill'd  4  we  lost  one 
Indian 

Friday,  Aug1  6.  —  I  wrote  a  Letter  to  the  Commo 
dore  desiring  an  answer  whether  he  wou'd  or  whether 
he  wou'd  not  go  in  with  his  Ships  &  destroy  the  Ship- 
ing  of  the  Enemy  which  consist  only  of  three  Sloops 
of  war,  when  he  returned  for  answer  if  I  wou'd  storm 
the  fort  he  wou'd  go  in  with  his  Ships  upon  which  I 
called  a  Council  the  result  of  which  was  that  in  our 


102 

present  situation  it  was  impracticable,  with  any  pros 
pect  of  Success  sent  Major  Braddish  who  happen'd  to 
be  in  Camp  with  the  Express  to  Boston  with  the  pro 
ceedings  of  both  Councils,  Land  &  Sea.  Still  continue 
to  carry  on  the  Seige  with  as  much  Vigour  as  the  small 
army  under  my  Command  will  admit,  they  Enemy  sal 
ly  out  in  parties  which  allways  occasions  an  alarm  in 
order  to  be  ready  to  receive  them  in  case  they  shou'd 
approach  too  near  our  Camp.  Our  out  works  are  with 
in  musquet  Shot  of  their  main  fort  &  the  whole  Army 
lay  in  the  Woods  within  point  blank  shot 

Saturday,  Aug*  7.  —  A  Grand  Council  of  "War,  on 
board  the  Hazard  of  Land  &  Sea  Officers  in  the  after 
noon  I  detach'd  small  parties  out  on  our  right  in  order 
to  draw  them  out  &  had  100  Men  lay  conceaPd  in  the 
Woods  in  case  they  came  out  to  fall  upon  them  &  en 
deavor  to  take  a  party  of  them  the  bait  took,  they  soon 
sallied  with  about  80  Men  &  rush'd  down  to  cut  off  our 
parties,  I  immediately  order'd  out  the  100  Men,  which 
brought  on  a  Skirmish  we  had  one  Man  Wounded,  & 
kill'd  some  of  the  Enemy 

at  the  same  time  a  Boat  from  the  Hazard  with  Comr 
Saltonstall  Capts  Waters,  Williams,  Salter,  Holmes  & 
Burke  were  a  reconnoitering  up  a  Cove  nigh  the 
Enemy's  Ships,  on  their  discovering  them  they  imme 
diately  sent  8  Boats  armed  to  hem  them  in,  they  so  far 
succeeded  that  they  made  a  prize  of  the  Boat,  but  the 
Gentlemen  took  to  the  Bush  and  escaped  being  made 
prisoners 

Aug1  8.  -  -  Wet  rainy  weather  very  unlucky  for  the 
Troops  so  much  of  it,  as  they  have  very  little  cover 
which  is  very  detrimental  to  their  Arms  &  destroys 
many  Cartriges. 

determined  to  open  another  Battery  against  the 
Enemy's  Ships  &  order  the  fatigue  Men  accordingly 


103 

Aug  9,  10.  — These  days  the  Journal  was  on  board 
the  Transport  but  nothing  remarkable  happen'd  except 
firing  from  our  Batteries,  &  frequent  Skirmishing  as 
usual 

Aug1  11.  —  The  Time  advances  fast  that  something 
must  be  done  important,  as  a  Reinforcement  if  superior 
to  our  Fleet,  wou'd  decide  the  matter  in  favour  of  the 
Enemy  which  is  said  is  strongly  suspected  will  arrive 
very  soon  We  have  lately  had  many  Councils  of  war 
some  for  the  Ships  going  in,  others  for  evacuating  the 
present  post,  But  I  cou'd  not  consistant  with  my  Duty 
to  my  Country  give  my  Vote  for  leaving  so  important 
a  station  as  I  now  possess  as  it  is  the  only  Ground  on 
the  peninsula  which  is  of  equal  height  with  their  fort. 
&  as  I  have  received  no  positive  information  of  any 
Fleet  of  the  Enemy  being  destined  for  this  place  I  have 
always  done  everything  in  my  Power  for  continuing  the 
Seige  for  if  our  present  Ground  is  left  it  will  cost  many 
Lives  to  regain  it. 

I  think  the  Enemy  does  not  know  my  force,  if  they 
did  there's  a  probability  that  they  wou'd  attack  me  I 
in  order  to  try  my  own  men  after  so  much  Skirmishing 
how  they  wou'd  act  in  a  Body,  after  drawing  them  out 
on  the  Plain  ground  out  of  sight  of  their  fort,  &  maneu 
vering  them  I  detach'd  about  200  Men  under  the  Com 
mand  of  Major  Brown,  Major  Boonville,  &  Major  Lara- 
bee  to  march  under  a  Bank,  to  a  Battery  they  lately 
evacuated,  some  distance  upon  our  right  &  upon  a  Line 
with  their  Main  fort  (which  is  now  the  only  post  they 
hold)  they  tarried  sometime  in  the  Battery  sent  out 
small  parties  in  order  to  decoy  the  Enemy  out  of  their 
work,  they  the  Enemy  sent  about  100  Men  on  the  back 
of  the  peninsula  out  of  sight  of  our  Posts  &  soon  after 
they  had  come  nigh  the  Battery  were  our  Men  where 
stationed,  they  hid  themselves  in  a  field  of  Corn,  till 


104 

the  signal  was  given  by  me  for  a  Retreat  finding  it 
grew  dark  &  it  wou'd  too  much  fatigue  the  Men  to 
tarry  all  Night,  as  soon  as  the  Major  Part  had  moved 
off  the  Enemy  sallied  from  their  concealment  &  gave 
them  a  fire,  wch  put  them  in  such  confusion  that  not 
withstanding  the  superior  behavior  of  the  three  Com 
manders  it  was  impossible  to  form  them  but  retreated 
in  the  greatest  hurry. 

Augst12,  1779. --Another  Council  of  "War.  The 
Captains  of  some  of  the  private  Ships  of  War  are  very 
uneasy  &  with  pain  I  must  add  the  Commodore  so  very 
desirous  of  leaving  a  Post  of  so  much  Consequence  to 
the  States  but  in  particular  to  this  State  that  I  am  in 
pain  from  the  Consequences,  if  I  shou'd  give  my  Con 
sent  to  leaving  so  important  a  piece  of  Ground  as  I  now 
hold,  only  on  a  report  of  some  Ships  sailing  Eastward 
from  H".  York  &  they  shou'd  not  arrive  I  cou'd  never 
forgive  the  Injury  I  did  my  Country,  if  a  superior  Fleet 
does  arrive  I  can  but  retreat  to  some  convenient  place 
up  the  River  tho  at  the  same  time  I  wish  it  in  my  power 
to  act  more  offensively  than  I  do,  But  I  have  only  900 
&  some  odd  and  the  Enemy  seven  hundred  Land  & 
three  hundred  Seamen  &  marines  who  act  occasionally 
pro  Mare  et  Terrain  but  they  fear  to  attack  me,  &  I 
soon  expect  reinforcements  from  Col°  Allan  &  Foster, 
&  I  hope  in  some  time  from  Government,  which  will 
enable  me  to  pursue  the  Seige  with  more  vigour. 

The  Enemy  are  erecting  a  work  in  the  rear  of  their 
fort. 

This  Evening  the  Cannon  are  removed  out  of  our 
Batteries  on  board  the  Transports. 

Augst  13.  —  This  afternoon  I  take  the  command  of 
400  Men  from  the  Army  &  march  about  in  the  rear  of 
the  Enemy's  fort  &  finding  it  (tho  a  great  risk)  proba 
ble  to  take  their  work  in  the  rear  of  their  Fort,  I  sent 


105 

word  to  the  Commodore  to  come  in  with  his  Ships, 
which  was  what  he  required  before  he  attempted  to 
attack  the  Enemy's  Ships,  they  weigh'd  anchor  &  no 
sooner  under  Sail  than  they  discover'd  a  fleet  bound  in 
to  Penobscot  River,  he  sent  me  word,  &  I  return'd  from 
my  new  taken  ground  in  good  order  without  being 
attacked  by  the  Enemy,  at  twelve  oclock  in  the  night  he 
wrote  me  word  that  they  were  Ships  of  force  on  which 
I  immediately  order' d  a  retreat. 

Aug  14.  —  This  morning  I  compleated  my  retreat 
from  Magabigwaduce  without  the  loss  of  a  Man  and 
broug1  of  all  the  Stores  of  the  Army  unmolested  by  the 
Enemy,  the  Transports  got  under  way  to  pass  up  the 
River  but  it  being  calm  they  soon  dropt  anchor  till  12 
oclock  the  wind  sprung  up  at  the  Southward  and  blew 
a  tolerable  breeze,  The  Transports  then  again  weigh'd 
Anchor,  and  to  our  Great  Mortification  were  soon  fol- 
low'd  by  our  fleet  of  Men  of  War  pursued  by  only  four 
of  the  Enemy's  Ships,  the  Ships  of  War  passed  the 
Transports  many  of  which  got  a-Ground,  &  the  British 
Ships  coming  up  the  Soldiers  were  obliged  to  take  to 
the  Shore,  &  set  fire  to  their  Vessells,  to  attempt  to  give 
a  description  of  this  terrible  Day  is  out  of  my  Power 
it  would  be  a  fit  Subject  for  some  masterly  hand  to 
describe  it  in  its  true  colours,  to  see  four  Ships  pursu 
ing  seventeen  Sail  of  Armed  Vessells  nine  of  which  we 
stout  Ships,  Transports  on  fire,  Men  of  War  blowing 
up,  Provision  of  all  kinds,  &  every  kind  of  Stores  on 
Shore  (at  least  in  small  Quantities)  throwing  about? 
and  as  much  confusion  as  can  possibly  be  conceived. 


APPENDIX, 


APPENDIX. 


EGBERT  LOVELL  GENEALOGY. 

A  brief  genealogical  record  of  the  "  Weymouth  Lov- 
ells  "  may  not  be  out  of  place  here,  and  the  following 
is  believed  to  be  in  the  main  correct. 
1.     ROBERT1  LOVELL,  the  ancestor,  was  a  member  of 
the  company  of  Rev.  Joseph  Hull,  at  Wey- 
mouth,  England,  March  20, 1635,  and  came  to 
"Wessaguscus,  New  England,  during  the  fol 
lowing  summer.     The  name  of  the  town  was 
changed  at  that  time  to  "Weymouth,  in  kindly 
remembrance  of  the   port   from  which   they 
sailed.     The  company  had  been  gathered  by 
its  reverend  leader  in  the  counties  of  Somerset, 
Worcester  and  Dorchester,  but  from  which  of 
them  Mr.  Lovell  came  does  not  appear. 
He   is  termed   a  husbandman,  and  his  age   set 
down  at  40  years,  while  that  of  his  wife,  Eliza 
beth,  who  accompanied  him,  is  given  as  35. 
They  brought  with  them  the  following  family: 
i.      ANNE,  dau.,  aged  16  years, 
ii.     ZACHEUS,  son,  aged  15  years. 

2.  iii.    JOHN,  son,  aged  8  years, 
iv.    ELLEN  and 

3.  v.     JAMES,  twins,  aged  1  year. 

with  JOSEPH  CHICKEN,  a  servant,  aged  16 
years. 


110 

His  will,  dated  May  3,   1651,   and  proved  June  25, 
1672,  names  only  sons  John  and  James,  and  son-in-law 
Andrew  fford,  (the  husband  of  dau.  Ellen  or  Elinor), 
and  a  son  of  John,  although  there  is  no  record  of  the 
birth  of  any  son  to  the  latter  until  some  years  later. 
His  property  seems  to  have  extended  from  the  tide  mill 
to  King  Oak  Hill,  in  scattered  lots,  and  probably  cov 
ered  the  place  on  the  east  side  of  the  latter  hill  which 
was   in   after   times   the    homestead    of  Capt.   Enoch 
Lovell,  the  grandfather  of  Gen.  Solomon. 
2.     JOHN,2  (Robert},  m.  Jane,  dau.  of  "William  Hatch 
of  Scituate;  probably  removed  to  that  town, 
and  later  to  Barnstable.     They  had,  born  in 
Weymouth : 

i.      PHEBE,  b.  Feb.  19,  1655-6. 

ii.     JOHN,  b.  May  8,  1658. 

iii.    ELIZABETH,  b.  Oct.  28,  1660. 

iv.    JAMES,  b.  Oct.  23,  1662. 

v.     WILLIAM,  b.  Feb.  24,  1664-5. 

vi.    ANDREW,  b.  June  28,  1668. 

vii.  JANE,  b.  July  20,  1670. 

There  were  probably  several  other  children  who  died 
in  infancy,  the  son  named  in  his  grandfathers  will,  and 
a  dau.  Elizabeth,  who  died  Jan.  21,  1656. 

Phebe,  m.  Nov.  1679,  Thomas  Bumpus,  and  Eliza 
beth,  m.  Oct.  1684,  Thomas  Ewer,  both  of  Barnstable. 
John,  m.  1688,  Susanna  Lombard;  James,  m.  Mary, 
dau.  of  Jabez  Lombard;  William,  in.  Sept.  24,  1693, 
Mehitable  Lombard;  all  of  Barnstable.  Andrew  lived 
in  Scituate,  where  he  had  a  family;  his  third  son,  Jo 
seph,  probably  returned  to  Weymouth,  and  was  the 
ancestor  of  the  family  of  the  name  now  living  in  "  Old 
Spain."  The  other  three  sons,  John,  James,  and  Wil 
liam,  remained  in  Barnstable,  where  their  families  con 
tinued  to  reside. 


Ill 

3.  JAMES,2  (Robert1},  the  younger  son  of  Eobert 
remained  in  Wcy  mouth,  residing,  without 
question,  upon  the  family  homestead,  upon 
the  eastern  slope  of  King  Oak  Hill.  He  m. 
(1)  Jane  —  — .  It  is  not  known  to  what 
family  she  belonged.  They  had: 
i.  DEBORAH,  b.  June  8,  1664;  m.  Pratt. 

4.  ii.     JAMES,  b.  Mar.  7, 1667. 

iii.    HANNAH,  b.  Sept.  29,  1668;  m.  Cleaves. 

5.  iv.    ENOCH,  b.  Dec.  29,  1670. 

v.     MARY,  b.  Jan.  5,  1673;  m.  Chard, 

vi.    JOHN,  b.  April  19,  1676;  m.  Mary,  dau.   of 

John  and  Hannah  Shaw,  and  removed  to 

Middleboro'. 
vii.  ELIZABETH,  b.   Sept.  22,  1679;   d.  Nov.  27, 

1738. 

6.  viii.  JOSEPH,  b.  Oct.  25,  1684. 

After  the  death  of  his  wife,  Jane,  James  m. 
(2)  Anna  —  her  parentage  is  also  unknown 
—  by  whom  he  had  : 
ix.    ANNA,  b.  Nov.  20,  1697. 

James  died  in  Weymouth,  in  1706,  leaving  a  large 
property,  as  is  shown  by  the  bequests  contained  in  his 
will,  of  which  his  son  Enoch  was  executor  and  residu 
ary  legatee. 

.4.  JAMES,3  (James?  Robert1),  was  also  a  resident  of 
Weymouth,  living  probably  in  the  easterly 
part  of  the  town.  He  married  Elizabeth,  dau. 
of  Joseph  and  Elizabeth  Poole.  They  had: 

7.  i.      JAMES,  birth  not  recorded. 

ii.     JANE,  who  m.  Mar.  18,  1717,  Joshua  Torrey. 

8.  iii.    ENOCH,  b.  Mar.  11,  1702. 

iv.    JOSEPH,  b.  1706;  m.  Sarah,  dau.  of  John 

and  Mary  Hollis,  and  resided  in  Braintree. 
v.     DAVID,  b.  Dec.  11,  1711. 


112 


vi.    SAMUEL,  b.        1709. 

vii.  ISAAC,  b.  June  15,  1714;  m.  Jan.  12,  1737? 
Judith,  dau.  of  Seth  and  Sarah  (Thayer) 
Dorman  of  Norton,  in  Braintree,  and  per 
haps  removed  to  that  town;  afterwards 
settled  in  Mansfield,  Conn.  Of  the  other 
sons,  David,  Joseph  and  Samuel,  nothing 
further  has  been  ascertained. 
James  died  1718,  his  son  James,  and  son-in- 
law  Joshua  Torrey,  administering  upon  his 
estate,  which  wras  appraised  at  £1,232  7s. 
His  wife  Elizabeth  died  the  previous  year, 
Sept.  27. 

5.  Capt.   ENOCH,3   (James?  Robert1),   was  a   man  of 

standing  and  influence  in  the  town  and  church, 
residing  upon  the  old  homestead.  He  m. 
Nov.  24,  1697,  Mary,'  dau.  of  Thomas  and 
Sarah  Eeed.  He  died  May  20,  1746,  his  wife 
Mary  having  preceded  him  May  5,  1745.  He 
left  a  large  estate  to  his  children.  They  had: 
i.  MARY,  b.  Aug.  15,  1698;  m.  Oct.  30,  1718, 

Ebenezer  Hunt. 
9.  ii.     JOSHUA,  b.  Sept.  22,  1699. 

iii.    SARAH,  b.  Nov.  15,  1701;  m.  (date  of  pub 
lishment  Oct.  23,  1725)  Nathaniel  White. 
10.  iv.    DAVID,  b.  March  6,  1704. 

v.     HANNAH,  b.  Nov.  21,  1707;  d.  July  11,  1711. 
vi.     HANNAH,  birth  not  recorded;  m.  June  1, 1732, 
Jonathan  White. 

6.  JOSEPH,3    (James?  Robert1),   of  whom   but  little 

is  known,  beyond  the  facts  that  he  lived  and 
died  in  "Weymouth.  His  estate  was  divided 
by  order  of  Court  April  24,  1732.  He  m. 
Ruth,  dau.  of  James  and  Ruth  Richards. 
She  died  a  widow,  June  2,  1766.  He  died 
March  2,  1723.  They  had: 


113 

i.      EUTH,  b.   Dec.  20,   1709,  who  m.  April  22, 

1731,  John  "Whitmarsh. 
ii.     MARY,  b.  Feb.  21,  1712,  who    m.   Dec.   17, 

1730,  Ebenezer  Porter,  Ju. 
iii.    Axx,  b.  July  7,  1715;  d.   Sept.  3,  1715. 
iv.    JA^E,  b.  June  16,  1717. 
v.     SILENCE,  b.  June  18,  1719. 
vi.    SARAH,  b.  May  2,  1721. 
vii.  HAX^TAH,  b.  Dec.  17,  1722. 

The  four  younger  daughters  probably  all  died  young, 
as  there  is  no  mention  of  any  but  the  two  eldest  in  the 
division  of  the  estate;  they,  with  the  widow,  inheriting 
the  whole.  It  was  located  upon  the  northerly  border 
of  Whitman's  Pond. 

7.  JAMES,4    (James*   James?  Robert) ;  m.   June  10, 

1718,  Betty  Perkins  of  Hingham,  where  he 
probably  afterwards  resided.  There  are  on 
record  the  births  of  the  following  children  in 
Weymouth : 

i.      THOMAS,  b.  Nov.  11,  1720. 

ii.     PERKIXS,  b.  Jan.  30,  1724. 

Nothing  further  has  been  ascertained  respect 
ing  him  or  his  family. 

8.  ENOCH,4  (James,21   James?   Robert1}]   m-   Feb.  20, 

1724,  Mary  Beals.     But  little  is  known   re 
specting   him.      He   died   in    1759,   his    son 
Enoch  and  Samuel  Ward  being  administra 
tors  upon  his  estate.     They  had: 
i.      ELISHA,  b.  Dec.  23,  1725;  m.  Nov.  23,  1758, 
Sarah,  dau.  of  Joseph  and  Sarah  (Porter) 
Trufant.     They  had  two  sons,  Enoch  and 
John,  who  lived  in  llingham. 
ii.     OBADIAH,  b.  Feb.  17,  1729;  m.  Sept.  11,  1755, 

Euth  Beal. 
iii.    MICAII,  b.  Feb.  27,  1734;  d.  May  11,  1735. 


114 

iv.  MICAII,  b.  not  on  record;  m.  Jan.  15,  1763, 
Lydia,  dau.  of  Micah  and  Bethiah  (Allen) 
Turner.  They  had  two  sons,  David  and 
Lemuel,  and  lived  at  Lovell's  Corner.  He 
died  Jan.  12,  1798. 

v.     MAKY,  b.  not  on  record;  d.  1759. 

9.  JOSHUA/  (Enoch?  James?  Robert?} ;  inherited  a 
large  part  of  the  paternal  estate,  upon  which 
he  lived  and  died.  He  was  a  prominent  man 
in  the  community,  and  an  ensign  in  the  militia. 
He  m.  (1)  (date  of  publishment  July  15, 
1727)  Sarah,  dau.  of  Joseph  and  Sarah 
Shaw.  She  died  March  22,  1733,  and  he  m. 
(2)  Dec.  19,  1734,  Betty  Pratt.  He  died 
Nov.  24,  1763,  and  his  widow  afterward  m. 
Philip  Torrey.  Joshua  and  Sarah  had : 
i.  SARAH,  b.  Aug.  9,  1728;  m.  May  2,  1751, 

Jonathan  Trufant. 
ii.     MARY,  b.   Feb.  5,   1730;  m.  Nov.   23,  1749, 

Matthew  Pratt. 

iii.    JOSHUA,  b.  Sept.'  8, 1731;  m.  Elizabeth  Pratt. 

She  died  March  20,  1790.     They  had  two 

children,    Samuel    and    Sarah.      He     was 

drowned,  1756. 

iv.    HANNAH,  b.  March  17, 1733;  m.  (publ.)  April 

13,  1751,  Ezra  Porter. 

v.  DAVID,  b.  Sept.  4,  1735;  d.  Nov.  14,  1735. 
vi.  DAVID,  b.  Aug.  2,  1736;  m.  May  4,  1768, 
Sarah  Waterman,  and  had  three  children: 
Betty,  who  m.  Jona.  Lewis;  David,  who  m. 
Hannah  Nash;  and  Enoch,  who  probably 
d.  1785. 

vii.  JACOB,  b.  Aug.  25,  1637;  m.  Feb.  16,  1760, 
Mary  Tower  of  Hingham,  by  whom  he  had 
eight  children:  Mary,  Joshua,  Lydia,  Jacob, 
Hannah,  Jacob,  Stephen  and  Lucy. 


115 

viii.  BETTY,  b.  Sept.   25,  1742;  m.  May  17,  1764, 
Joshua  "Whitmarsh. 

10.  DAVID,*  (Enoch?  James?  Robert)  ;    graduated  at 

Harvard  in  the  class  of  1725;  'was  em 
ployed  as  a  teacher  for  a  few  years,  and,  as 
tradition  has  it,  preaching  occasionally.  He 
lived  for  a  time  in  Abington,  where  his 
children  were  born,  but  his  gravestone 
stands  in  the  Old  North  Cemetery,  Wey- 
mouth.  He  died  Nov.  25,  1733,  in  his  30th 
year.  He  m.  (publ.  Jan.  11,  1730)  Mary, 
dan.  of  John  and  Mary  (Symmes)  Torrey, 
who  was  b.  Oct.  11,  1711.  They  had: 
i.  ELEAXOE,  b.  Aug.  7,  1730,  who  m.  (publ. 
Sept.  22,  1750)  Joseph  Webb,  by  whom 
she  had  five  children:  Mary,  Eleanor,  Lydia, 
Joseph  and  Sarah.  The  family  afterwards 
removed  from  town. 
11.  ii.  SOLOMOX,  b.  June  1,  1732. 

Widow  Mary,  m.  (2)  (publ.  July  17,  1737) 
Lieut.  Sam'l  Kingman,  by  whom  she  had  a 
large  family  of  children. 

11.  SoLOMO^,5  (David?  Enoch?  James?  Robert1}.    He 

was  twice  married;    the  first  time,  Jan.   19, 
1758,  to  Lydia,  dau.  of  John  and  Sarah  (Hunt) 
Holbrook,  who  was  born  Sept.  3,  1734,  and 
died  May  21,  1761,  having  had  two  children, 
i.      A  child,  d.  1759. 

ii.     LYDIA,  b.  May  17, 1761,  who  m.  Nov.  20, 1796, 

Nathaniel  Beal  of  Quincy,  and  died  Dec. 

15,  1830. 
He  m.  (2)  May,  1762,  Hannah,  dau.  of  James 

and   Hannah    (Reed)   Pittey;*  b.  Dec.  8, 

*  The  name  Pittey  has  a  variety  of  forms  and  is  written  in  perhaps  a 
dozen  different  ways;  the  above  being  that  universally  found  upon  the 
grave-stones,  and  quite  generally  upon  the  public  records,  has  been  adopted 
by  the  author  as  conforming  most  closely  to  the  usage  of  the  family. 


116 


1730;  d.  July  8, 1795.  He  d.  Sept.  9, 1801. 
They  had: 

iii.    JAMES,  b.  Jan.  27,  1763;  d.  March  30,  1763. 

iv.    SAKAH,  b.  May  5,  1764. 

v.     HANNAH,  b.  Oct.  18,  1765;  d.  Dec.  19,  1765. 

vi.    HANNAH,  b.  ;  d.  June  14,  1767. 

vii.  JAMES,  b.  Jan.  1,  1768.  He  was  educated  a 
physician,  but  did  not  follow  his  profession 
to  any  considerable  degree,  living  the  life 
of  a  private  gentleman.  He  m.  Nov.  8, 
1798,  Mrs.  Priscilla  "Winch,  but  had  no 
issue,  and  died  April  8,  1820.  His  widow 
afterwards  m.  Capt.  Josiah  Bass  of  Quincy, 
June  27,  1821. 

12.  viii.  HANNAH,  b.  July  6,  1771;  m.  Capt.  Luther 

Little,  Jan.  4,  1798. 

13.  ix.    MARY,  b.   April  28,   1773;    m.   Capt.   "Wm. 

Wildes,  Sept.  4,  1794. 


INDEX 


Abercrombie,  Gen.,  33,  35. 
Abington,  22,  23,  115. 

Town  Records,  23. 
Abraham,  the  Plains  of,  35. 
Active  (brig),  56,  60,  98. 
Adams,  Mrs.  Abigail,  25. 
Adams,  C.  F.,  Jr.,  21. 
Adlington,  F.  M.,  11. 
Ager,  Solomon,  11. 
Agriculture,  Dept.  of,  11. 
Albany  (town  of),  29. 
Albany  (ship),  54,  61. 
Alden,  Dr.  Ebenezer,  11. 
Alleghanies  (mountains),  26. 
Alleghany  (River),  28. 
Allen,  Col.,  74,  104. 
America,  72. 
American  Army,  53. 

cause,  79. 

continent,  35. 

fleet,  54,  61. 

force,  64,  77. 

officers,  50. 
Americans,  49,  50,  55,  65,  67,  70, 

100. 

Ames,  Ellis,  11. 
Amherst,  Gen.,  35. 
Ancient  names  and  localities,  7. 
Appendix,  107,  109. 
Armington,  J.  W.,  6. 
Arnold,  Samuel  Greene,  48. 
Arnold's  History  of  Rhode  Island, 
17. 

Tavern,  42. 


Bagaduce.    [SeeMajaBagaduce.] 
Baker,  Edmund  K.,  11. 
Bancroft  (History),  17,  27. 
Bangor,  Whig  and  Courier,  54. 
Bank's  Island,  61,  62. 
Barbar,  Lemuel,  32. 
Barnstable  (town  of),  110. 
Bass,  Capt.  Josiah,  116. 
Bates,  Lt.  Elnathan,  87. 

Capt.  Joshua,  87. 

Noah,  32. 

Samuel  A.,  9,  11. 

Urban,  86. 

William,  32. 

Bayley,  Nathaniel,  31,  41,  46. 
Beal  (Beale)  Lydia,  (Lovell),  88. 

Nathaniel,  88,  115. 

Ruth,  113. 
Beals,  Elias  S.,  11. 

Genealogy,  7. 

Mary,  113. 
Belfast  (town  of) ,  60. 

Williamson's  History  of,  17, 

53,  69. 

Bellingham  (town  of),  44. 
Bicknell,  Agnes,  22.    . 

Quincy,  11. 

Thomas  W.,  11. 

Zachary,  22. 

Z.  L.,  11. 

Bird,  Frank  W.,  11. 
Black  Prince  (ship),  56,  95. 
Blanchard,  Carrie  A.,  3,  8. 

Joseph,  32. 

Nathaniel,  32. 


118 


Board  of  War,  55. 
Boonville,  Maj.,  103. 
Boston,  11,  20,  22,  32,  44,  47,  50, 
51,  58,68,  74,  78,  79,  82,  83. 
95,  100,  102. 

Committee    of    Correspond 
ence,  41. 

siege  of,  44. 

Town  Records,  22. 
Bowne,  Jacob  T.,  11. 
Braddish,  Maj.,  70,  102. 
Braddock,  Gen.,  29,  33. 
Bradstreet,  Gen.,  35. 
Bragaduce.         [See    Maja-Baga- 

duce.] 
Braintree  (town  of),  32,  44,  112. 

East,  in  1803,  9. 
Brewer,  Col.,  G9. 
Bridge  Street,  37. 
Bristol  (town  of),  48. 
British,  51,  62,  64,  68,  75,  82,  98. 
British  army,  50. 

authorities,  53. 

emissaries,  60. 

flag,  98. 

ships  of  war,  45,  75,  78,  105. 
Brock,  Robert  A.,  11. 
Brown,  Maj.  Gawan,  57,  103. 
Bumpus,  Everett  C.,  6,  7,  8. 

Phebe  (Lovell),  110. 

Thomas,  110. 
Burke,  Capt.,  96,  102. 
Burr  ell,  Humphrey,  32. 
Burying-Hill,  21. 

Ground,  Pleasant  Street,  7. 

Ground,  the  Rocks,  7. 

Ground,  Reed's,  9. 

Calef  's  Journal,  54,  61,  73. 
Canada,  26,  30,  33. 
Canadian  Frontier,  40. 
Canadians,  29. 
Canterbury,  John,  31,  32. 

Stephen,  32. 

Carpenter,  Rev.  C.  C.,  11. 
Castine,  town  of,  53. 

Wheeler's  History  of,  17,  54, 

61,  71,  73,  77,  82. 
Caseo  Bay,  59. 
Champlain  (Lake),  36. 


Chapin,  Rev.  F.  P.,  6. 
Chapman,  Maria  Weston,  11. 
Chard,  Mary  (Lovell),  111. 
Charming  Polly  (sloop),  5". 

Sally  (ship),  56,  60,  96,  98. 
Charlestown,  24. 
Chicken,  Joseph,  22, 109. 
Chronicle  and  Advertiser,  78,  7(J. 
Clapp,  William  H.,  3,  6,  7,  11. 
Cleaves,  Hannah  (Lovell).  111. 
Cleverly,  Thomas  F..  9. 
Cohasset  (town  of),  44. 
Collier,  Sir  George,  77. 
Colson,  Ebenezer,  41. 
Josiah,  42. 
Thomas,  Ju.,  32. 
Committee    of    Correspondence. 

Boston,  41. 
of     Weymouth     and     other 

towns,  42. 

of  Inquiry,  79,  81,  83. 
Commodore.     [See  Saltonstall.] 
Commonwealth,    Treasurer    of. 

85. 

Conanicut,  49. 
Congress,  85. 

Continental,  41,  46,  47. 

order  of,  45. 

Provincial,  40. 
Connecticut,  49,  112. 
Continental  Authorities,  57,  74. 

Congress,  41,  46,  47. 

Navy,  52. 

service,  85. 

Contrecceur,  Capt.  de,  29. 
Cornell,  Dr.  William  M.,  11. 
Council  (State),  42,  46,  47,  51,  56, 

65,  67,  68,  70,  79,  84,  100. 
orders  of,  74. 
records  of,  44,  45,  47,  51 ;  55, 

56,  79,  84. 
Court  Martial,  81. 

of  Inquiry,  82. 
Cousins,  Maj.,  71. 
Co  well,  Benjamin,  51. 
Crane,  Charles  T.,  11. 
Crown  Point,  33,  34. 

expedition,  31,  36. 
Cross  Island,  61. 


119 


Cumberland,  26. 

County  of,  57. 

recruits,  58. 
Curtis,  Phillips,  11. 
Gushing,  Col.,  47. 

Serg't  Thomas,  32. 

Dana,  Francis,  79. 
Danielson,  Gen.  Timothy,  79. 
Darby,  Jonathan,  31,  32. 
Davis,  Rev.  Emerson,  D.  D.,  7. 
Deane  Frigate,  81. 
Declaration     of     Independence 

read  in  churches,  45. 
Dedham  (town  of),  44. 
Defence,  Brig,  56,  77,  96. 
Dennis,  Mr.,  101. 
Derby,  Richard,  43. 
D'Estaing,  Count,  49,  50. 
Devon  (County,  Eng.),  19. 
Dice's  Point,  54. 
Dieskau,  Baron  de,  29. 
Diligence,  Brig,  57,  95. 
Dodson,  Rev.  George,  death  of,  9. 
Donors,  list  of,  11,  12,  13. 
Dorchester  (town  of),  44. 

England,  109. 

Heights,  44. 
Dorman,  Judith,  112. 

Sarah  (Thayer),  112. 

Seth,  112. 

Dorset  (England),  19,  20. 
Downer,  Dr.  Eliphalet,*56,  57. 
Duquesne,  Fort,  28,  33,  35. 
Durfee,  Col.  Joseph,  48. 
Dyer,  Thomas,  Genealogy  of,  7. 

Early  Emigrants,  Hotten's,  19. 

Physicians  of  Weymouth,  9. 

Planters     of,  Massachusetts 

Bay,  21. 

Easterbrook,  Charles  G.,  6,  7,  8. 
East  India  Company,  41. 
Edmunds,  Capt.,  62. 
Eldredge,  Serg't  Caleb,  32. 
Emery,  Rev.  S.  Hopkins,  11. 
England,  19,  20,  96,  109. 
English,  27,  34,  35,  48,  62,  55. 

authorities,  52. 

colonies,  40. 


English  fleet,  49. 

ministry,  33. 

settlers,  26. 
Essex  Institute,  11. 
Europe,  19,  28,  35. 
Ewer,  Elizabeth  (Lovell),  110. 

Thomas,  110. 

Pall  River  (town  of),  48. 
Farley,  Gen.  Michael,  79. 
Faxon,  Lucy  J.,  12. 
Fellows,  Brig.  Gen.,  84. 
fford,  Andrew,  110. 

Ellen  (Lovell),  110. 
Fisheries  of  the  United  States,  85. 
Fleet,  the,  95,  96,  97,  103. 
Forbes,  Gen.,  35. 
Ford,  Joseph,  32. 
Fore-River,  20. 
Forsaith,  Dr.  F.  F.,  9, 
Fort  Frontenac,  35. 

George,  54,  67. 

William  Henry,  30,  34. 
Foster,  Col.,  74,  104. 
Fox  Islands,  60,  97. 
France,  34. 

Frary,  Rev.  Lucien  H.,  3,  6,  7,  12. 
French,  the,  27,  28,  30,  33,  34,  35. 

court,  26. 

fleet,  50. 

settlers,  26. 

troops,  29,  49,  50. 
Friends  Hist.  Ass'n,  Phila.,  12. 
Frost,  Gen.,  59. 
Furnass,  Benjamin,  57. 

Genealogy,  of  Beals,  7. 
of  Thomas  Dyer,  7. 
of  Robert  Lovell,  109. 
of  Thomas  White,  7. 
General  Assembly,  46,  79,  81. 

records,  47. 

court,  16,  20,  39,  40,  45,  46, 
47,  51,  55,  79,  82,  83,  85,  86, 
87,  88,  91. 

records,  42,  80. 
the.     [See  Gen.  Lovell.] 
Putnam  (ship),  56,  63. 

[See  also  Putnam.] 
Gentleman's  Magazine,  53. 


120 


Glover,  General,  49. 

(ship),  96. 
Goold,  Jacob,  41. 
Gorges  (settlement  of),  21. 
Goss,  Elbridge  H.,  12. 
Great  Pond,  iron  ore  of,  39. 
Greene,  Gen.,  49,  50. 
Gridley,  Col.  Richard,  31. 

Halifax  (town  of),  54,  61. 

packet,  capture  of,  67. 
Hampden  (ship),  56,  69,  77,  95,  96. 
Hanaford,  Rev.  Phebe  A.,  12. 
Hannah,  (schooner),  57. 
Harding,  Mrs.  Joseph,  12. 
Harker,  Capt.,  62. 
Hart,  Capt.  S.,  96. 
Harvard  (College),  23,  24,  115. 
Library.  51. 
Hatch,  Jane,  110. 

William,  110. 
Hawes,  Martin  E.,  9. 
Hazard  (brig),   56,  60,  69,  76,   95, 

96,  98,  101,  102. 
Heath's  Memoirs,  51. 
Hector  (ship),  56,  95,  96. 
Hill,  Jeremiah,  Adj't  Gen.,  57,  58, 

60,  62,  64,  70. 
Hinckley,  Capt.,  65. 
Hingham  (town  of),  31,  32,  44, 

113,  114. 

Hoes,  Rev.  R.  Randall,  12. 
Holbrook,  Dea.  John,  36.  115. 

Lydia,  36,  115. 

Sarah  (Hunt),  115.  * 

Thomas,  22,  36. 

of  Pembroke,  40. 

William,  Jun.,  32. 
Hollis,  John,  111. 

Mary,  111. 
.    Sarah,  111. 
Holmes,  Capt.,  102. 
Hospital  Island,  42. 
Hotton's  Early  Emigrants,  19,  22. 
House  of  Representatives,  46,  88. 
Howe,  Lord,  49. 
Hudson,  Hon.  Charles,  12. 

River,  33. 

Hull  Company,  36.     [See  also  Gen. 
LovelL] 


Hull,  Rev.  Joseph,  8,  19,  109. 

Robert  B.,  8,  12,  19,  20. 
(town  of),  20,  44,  47. 
Humphrey,  James,  41,  46,  84,  85. 

James,  2d,  88. 
Hunt,  Eben.  W.,  12. 

Ebenezer,  112. 

James,  32. 

MarciaE.,  12. 

Martha  N.,  12. 
Hunter  (ship),  56,  77,  95. 
Huntoon,  D.  T.  V.,  12. 

Indian  affairs,  30. 

tribes,  26. 
Indians,  21,  29,  78,  79. 

Norridgewalk,  59,  97. 

Penobscot,  60. 
Irving's  Washington,  30. 

Jackson,  Col.,  74,  79. 
Jesuit  Fathers,  26. 
Johnson,  Capt.,  62. 

Sir  William,  29,  30,  35. 
Joy,  Isaac,  32. 

Nehemiah,  32. 

« 

Kennebec,  76,  79. 
Kidder's  Eastern  Maine.  59. 
Kingman,  Henry,  22. 

Lt.  Samuel,  25,  115. 
King  Oak  Hill,  21,  22,  37,  89,   110, 

111. 

King's  fleet,  78. 
Kinham,  Alice,  22. 

Lafayette,  Marquis  de,  49,  50,  51. 
Lake  George,  26,  29,  32,  34. 
Land  owners,  the  early,  9. 
Langworthy,  Rev.  I.  P.,  D.  D., 

12. 

Lapham,  William  B.,  12. 
Larabee,  Maj.,  103. 
Lewis,  Frank  W.,  6,  12. 

Jonathan,  114. 
Light  Horse  Troop  of  Wey mouth, 

9. 
Lincoln,  Col.,  31. 

County  recruits,  58.    . 

galley,  100. 


121 


Lincoln,  George,  12. 

John,  32. 

militia,  65. 
Little,  Capt.  George,  16. 

Capt.  Luther,  16,  89,  116. 

Gen.  Moses,  79,  81. 

James  Lovell,  16. 

Hannah  (Lovell),  16,  89. 
Littlefleld,  Maj.,  62,  96,  98. 
Lombard,  Jabez,  110. 

Mary,  110. 

Mehitable,  110. 

Susanna,  110. 
London,  41. 
Long  Island  (Maine),  77. 
Loud,  John  J.,  3,  6,  7,  8,  12. 
Loudoun,  Earl  of,  33. 
Louisburg,  35. 
Lovell,  A.  A.,  12. 

Andrew,  110. 

Ann,  113. 

Anne,  22,  109,  111. 

Betty,  114,  115. 

David,  23,  111,  112,  114,  115. 

Deborah,  111. 

Eleanor,  23,  115. 

Elisha,  113. 

Elizabeth,  22,  109,  110,  111, 
112. 

Ellen,  22,  109,  110. 

Enoch,  Capt.,  22,  23,  25,  89, 
110  to  115. 

estate,  old,  89. 

family,  22,  23. 

genealogy,  9,  109  to  116. 

Hannah,  16,   88,   89,   111    to 
116. 

homestead,  22. 

Isaac,  112. 

Jacob,  114. 

James,  22,  88,  109  to  116. 
Dr.,  37,  88,  116. 

Jane,  23,  110,  111,  113. 
(Hatch),  110. 

John,  22,  109  to  111,  113. 

John  P.,  12. 

John's  pasture,  22. 

Joseph,  110,  111,  112. 

Joshua,  22,  112,  114. 

Lemuel,  114. 


Lovell,  Lucy,  114. 

Lydia,  88,  114,  115. 

(Holbrook),  36. 
Mary,  89,  111  to  116. 
Mrs.,  17. 
(Eeed),  23,  112. 
(Torrey),  23. 
Micah,  113,  114. 
Obadiah,  113. 
Perkins,  113. 
Phebe,  110. 

Kobert,  22,  36,  109  to  115. 
Ruth,  113. 
Samuel,  112,  114. 
Sarah,  88,  112  to  114,  116. 
Silas,  31,  32. 
Silence,  113. 
Solomon,  Gen. : 

his  parentage,  23. 
early  life,  24. 
education,  24. 
death  of  his  father,  25. 
choice  of  guardian,  25. 
employment,  25. 
political  affairs,  26. 
hostilities    between   the 
English  and  French,  26. 
the  campaigns  of  1755- 

1756,  28  to  32. 
Lieutenant,  32. 
first  marriage,  36. 
second  marriage,  36. 
settles  in  Old  Spain,  37. 
his  first  town  office,  38. 
chosen  captain,  38. 
elected  representative  to 
the  General  Court,  39. 
appointed  major,  39. 
active  in  town  affairs,  40, 

41,  42. 

commissioned  colonel, 42. 
order  of  council,  42,  47. 
at   Dorchester   Heights, 

44. 
ordered  to  defend  Hull, 

44,  47. 

elected  representative^, 
chosen  general,  46. 
appointed  military  com 
mander  of  Boston,  47. 


122 


Lovell,  Solomon,  Gen. : 

sent  to  Rhode  Island,  47. 
battle  of  Rhode  Island,  50. 
ordered  to  the  defence  of 

Boston,  57. 

placed    in    command    of 

the  land  forces  of  the 

Penobscot   expedition, 

55  [which  see]. 

commissioned  justice  of 

the  peace,  84. 
resumes  command  of  the 

Suffolk  militia,  84. 
resigns,  84. 

again  commissioned  gen 
eral,  84. 
chosen  representative  to 

the  General  Court,  85. 
opposes    the    separation 
of     Weymouth     from 
Suffolk  County,  86. 
favors  the  division  of  the 
town,  86,  87.  * 

connection    with   parish 

affairs,  87. 
his  family,  88,  89. 
death  and  burial,  89. 
estimate  of  character,  90, 

91. 

Stephen,  114. 
Thomas,  113. 
William,  110. 
Zacheus,  22,  109. 
LovelFs  Corner,  114. 
defence,  69. 
diary,  9. 

journal,  14,  16,  58,  59,  60,  62, 
64,  65,  68,  69,  70,  72,  74,  78, 
93,  95. 

report,  67,  75,  77. 

Magabagwaduce,     Magabigwa- 
duce.       [See     Maja-Baga- 
duce.] 
Maine,  Province  of,  52,  83,  84. 

Williamson's  History  of,  17, 

54,  82. 
Maja-Bagaduce,  15,  53,  60,  61,  97, 

98,  90,  105. 

Major-Bragaduce.       [See     Maja- 
Bagaduce.] 


Mansfield,  Conn.,  112. 
Manson,  Evan  M.,  12. 
Marblehead,  ships  of,  52. 

(town  of),  96. 

Marshfield  (town  of),  31,  89. 
Marston,  John,  Jr.,  57,  101. 

secretary.     [See  John,  Jr.] 
Maryland,  28. 
Massachusetts,  28,  49,  57. 

Bay  Colony,  19. 

records,  19,  20. 

Historical    Society,   transac 
tions,  21. 

ships,  52. 

troops,  51. 

McCobb,  Col.,  64,  71,  74,  9G. 
McLane.     [See  McLean.] 
McLean,  Gen.  Francis,  52,  53,  54, 
60,  61,  97. 

letter  of,  53. 
Medfield,  44. 
Medway,  44. 
Mexico,  Gulf  of,  40. 
Middleboro'  (town  of),  111. 
Mill  Creek,  21. 
Milton,  town  of,  44. 
Mitchell,  Capt.  (Maj.  and  Col.), 

60,  70,  71,  96. 
Mohawk  (river) ,  26. 
Monckton,  Lieut.  Col.,  28. 
Monmouth  (ship),  56,  95. 
Monongahela  (river),  28. 
Montcalm,  Marquis  de,  34,  35. 

Miss  Emeline,  12. 

Murray,  Rev.  Mr.,  58,  68,  96,  97, 
100. 

Nantasket  Roads,  56,  95. 
Nash,  Benjamin,  32. 

Capt.  Thomas,  44. 

Gilbert,  3,  6,  7,  9,  12. 

Hannah,  114. 

James,  32. 

Louisa,  12. 

Oran,  12. 

Thomas,  12,  44. 
Nautilus  Island,  61. 

(ship),  54,  61. 
Naval  Board,  82. 

Council,  80,  81. 


123 


Navy  Board,  71. 

Department,  82. 
Neck  Street,  37. 
Needham,  44. 
Newburyport,  ships  of,  52. 
Neweomb,  Capt.,  101. 
New  England,  10,  31,  33,  47,  57, 
91,  109. 

Colonies,  23. 

States,  48. 

troops,  30,  33. 
New  Hampshire  authorities,  55. 

contingent,  50,  50. 
New  London  (town  of),  56. 
Newport  (town  of),  48,  49. 
New  York,  8,  2G,  33,  48,  78,  104. 
Niagara,  29,  33,  35. 
Norfolk  County,  86. 

probate,  37. 

Norridgewalk  Indians,  59,  97. 
North  America,  35. 
Northleigh  (Eng.),  19. 
North  Parish  (Weymouth),  86,  87, 

88. 

North  (ship),  54,  61. 
Norton,  Parson,  89. 

(town  of),  112. 
Nova  Scotia,  28. 

Ohio  Valley,  33. 

Old  Burying  Ground,  89. 

Dorset,  19. 

Lovell  estate,  89. 

North  Church,  sketch  of  its 
ministers,  7. 

North  Cemetery,  115. 

Spain,  37,  110. 

in  1793,  9. 
Orcutt,  David,  32. 

Samuel,  32. 

Osgood,  Maj.  Samuel,  79. 
OswegO,  29,  34. 
Oxford  (University,  Eng.),  19- 

Pallas  (brig),  56. 
Palmer,  Gen.,  47. 
Parish  records,  87,  88. 
Parkman  (history),  17,  27. 
Parliament,  act  of,  41. 
Pembroke  (town  of),  40. 


Pennsylvania,  28. 
Penobscot,  55,  59,  95,  97. 

Bay,  53,  60. 

expedition,  9,  15,  16,  17,  52, 

80,  82,  84,  91. 
causes  of,  53. 

Gen.  McLean's  landing,  53. 

begins  to  fortify,  54. 

Fort  George,  54. 

proclamation  to  the  inhabi 
tants,  54. 

more  fortifications  by  the 
English,  54. 

British  ships  of  war  there,  54. 

Massachusetts  alarmed,  55. 
organizes  aland  and  naval 
force,  55. 

aid  from  New  Hampshire,  55. 

Gen.  Lovell  appointed  to 
command  the  troops,  55. 

other  officers,  56,  57. 

expedition  sails,  56. 

arrival  at  Townsend,  58,  59. 

Maine  recruits,  58,  59. 

negotiations  with  the  Ind 
ians,  59. 

arrival  at  Penobscot  Bay,  60. 

first  attempt  to  land,  60,  61. 

the  news  reaches  McLean,  61. 

capture  of  Bank's  Island,  62. 

movements  of  the  fleet,  63. 

note  from  the  officers  of  the 
fleet  to  the  commodore,  63. 

council  of  war,  64. 

permanent  lauding  effected, 
64,  65. 

new  battery  erected  by  the 
Americans,  67. 

the  enemy  sink  their  trans 
ports  and  retire  to  their 
main  fort,  67. 

capture  of  the  Halifax  packet, 
67. 

attack  on  the  redoubt,  68. 

proclamation  by  Gen.  Lovell, 
68. 

arrival  of  Rev.  Mr.  Murray, 
68. 

he  is  sent  to  Boston  for  as 
sistance,  68. 


124 


Penobscot : 

the  general  urges  the  com 
modore  to  attack  the  ene 
my's  ships,  68. 
dissatisfaction  of  the  officers 

with  the  commodore,  69. 
Maj.  Braddish  despatched  to 

Boston,  70. 
cannonading  and  skirmishing 

for  several  days,  70. 
delays  and  bad  weather,  70. 
bad  effect  upon  the  troops,  70. 
the  general's    letter    to    the 

commodore,  71. 
sharp  note  of  the  Navy  Board 

to  the  commodore,  71. 
daily  councils  of  war,  72. 
commodore  narrowly  escapes 

capture,  72,  73. 
arrival  of  Sir  George  Collier 

with  the  British  fleet,  75. 
returns  of  the  troops,  74. 
reinforcements,  74. 
final  movements  and  defeat, 

74,  75. 

destruction  of  the  fleet  and 
dispersion  of  the  troops, 
75  to  78. 

committee  of  inquiry,  79. 
its  report,  80,  81. 
Indians,  60,  97. 
River,  77,  78,  99,  105. 
Perham,  David,  54. 
Perkins,  Betty,  113. 
Physicians,  the    early,  of  Wey- 

mouth,  9. 
Pigot,  Gen.,  48. 
Pitt  (William),  34. 
Pittey,  Miss  Hannah,  36,  115. 
Hannah  (Reed),  37,  115. 
James,  37,  115. 
Pittsburgh,  28. 
Pleasant  Street  Burying-Ground, 

7. 

Point  Judith,  49. 
Pollard,  Lt.  Peter,  63. 
Pool,  Isaac,  32. 
Poole,  Edward,  22. 
Elizabeth,  111. 
Joseph,  111. 


Porter,  Lt.  David,  63. 

Ebenezer,  Jr.,  113. 

Ezra,  114. 

Hon.  J.  W.,  12. 

Richard,  22. 

T.  B.,  12. 

Portsmouth  (town  of),  56, 95,  96. 
Pownal,  Fort,  77. 
Pratt,  Betty,  114. 

Deborah  (Lovell),  111. 

Edwin,  13. 

Elizabeth,  114. 

Joseph,  32. 

Matthew,  114, 

Prescott,  Col.  James,  79,  81. 
Providence  (sloop),  55,  57. 

(town  of),  48,  50. 
Provincial  Congress,  40. 
Putnam,  Gen.  (ship),  56,  63,  95, 
96. 

Lt.  Israel,  32,  33. 

Quebec,  33. 
Quincy,  115,  116. 

Raymond,  Dea.  Alvah,  9. 
Bead,  Susan,  22. 

William,  22. 
Heed  Burying-Ground,  9. 

Charles  A.,  13. 

Mary,  23,  112. 

Quincy  L.,  13. 

Samuel  W.,  3,  6,  7,  8,  13. 

Sarah,  112. 

Thomas,  23,  112. 
Revere,  Lt.  Col.  Paul,  56,  57,  77, 

82. 

Revolution,  the,  57. 
Rhode  Island,  47,  49,  51. 

Arnold's  History,  17,  48. 

battle  of,  50. 

campaign,  91. 

expedition,  47. 

Gen.    Sullivan  appointed    to 
the  command,  48. 

depredations  of  the  English, 
48. 

raising  troops,  48,  49. 

arrival  of  the    French  fleet 
with  reinforcements,  49. 


125 


Rhode  Island : 

active  operations,  49. 

appearance    of    the    English 
fleet,  49. 

terrible  tempest  separates  the 
two  fleets,  49. 

Gen.  Sullivan's  letter,  49. 

return  of  the  French,  50. 

D'Estaing    declines    to    co 
operate,  50. 

American  victory,  50. 

Historical  Society,  13. 

troops,  48. 
Bice,  William,  32. 
Richards,  Augustus  J.,  3,  6,  7. 

Benjamin,  32. 

Elias,  3,  6,  7,  13. 

James,  112. 

Ruth,  112. 

William  32. 
Robbins,  J.,57. 
Rocks  Burying-Ground,  the,  7. 
Roxbury  (town  of),  44. 
Rozier,  Cape,  54. 

Salem  (ships  of),  52. 

(town  of),  43,  56,  95. 
Salisbury,  William,  32. 
Sally     (ship).       [See     Charming 
Sally.] 

(sloop),  97. 

Salter,  Capt.  Titus,  69,  102. 
Saltonstall,  Dudley,  16,  56,  62  to 
64,  68  to  77,  80,  81,  82,  83, 
95, 97, 100, 101, 102, 104, 105. 
Santilena.    [See  St.  Helena.] 
Saulsbury,  Stephen,  31,  32. 
Sawtelle,  J.  B.,  13. 
Sawyer,  Maj.,  68,  100. 
Scituate  (town  of),  110. 
Senate  (State)  Committee  of,  88. 
Sever,  Hon.  William,  79,  81. 
Shaw,  Hannah,  111. 

John,  111. 

Joseph,  114. 
1  Mary  (Lovell),  111. 

Sarah,  114. 

Shirley,  Governor,  29, 32,  33,  34. 
Sky  Rocket  (ship),  56,  95,  96. 
Smith,  Rev.  William,  24. 


Somersetshire,  19,  109. 
South-east  Point,  66. 

Parish  (Weymouth),  86,  87. 
Spanish  possessions,  40. 
Speakman,  G.  W.,  57. 
Spencer  (Gen.),  48. 

Jeremiah,  13. 
Spirit    of   seventy-six    in   Rhode 

Island,  51. 

St.  Helena  (ship),  54. 
James,  court  of,  27. 
Lawrence  (river),  34. 
Mary's  Hall  (Eng.),  19. 
State  archives,  17,  31,  32,  39,  42, 
44,  47,  51,  55  to  60,  62  to 
65,  67  to  70,  74  to  81. 
department      (Washington), 
13. 

(Boston),  83. 
government,  91. 
House  (Boston),  18. 
Stetson,  A.  W.,  13. 
Stone,  Rev.  Edwin  M.,  13. 
Stony  Point,  83. 
Stoughton  (town  of),  44. 
Stoughtonham  (town  of),  44. 
Strong,  Dr.,  18. 
Suffolk  County,  86. 

militia,  39,  47,  84,  91. 
military  organization  of,  44. 
probate  office,  22,  24,  25. 
registry  of  deeds,  22. 
Sullivan,  Gen.,  48,  49,  50. 
Swett's  Cove,  69,  101. 
Symmes,  Capt.  William,  24. 
Rev.  Zachary,  24. 

Thaxter,  Maj.  Samuel,  31,  32. 
Thomas,  Capt.,  101. 
Ticonderoga,  34,  35. 
Tilden,  F.  H.,  13. 
Tirrell,  Benjamin,  31,  32. 

Ebenezer,  32. 
Tirrells,  the  early,  9. 
Titcomb,  Gen.  Jonathan,  51,  79. 
Titus,  Rev.  Anson,  Jr.,  3,  6,  7,  9, 

13. 

Todd,  Maj.  William,  57,59,  76,  78. 
Torrey,  Capt.  William,  24. 

Jane  (Lovell),  Hi. 


126 


Torrey,  John,  23,  24,  115. 

Joshua,  111,  112. 

Mary,  23,  115. 

Mary  (Symmes),  23,  24,  115. 

Philip,  1U. 

Rev.  Samuel,  24. 
Tower,  Dr.  C.  C.,  9,  13. 

Mary,  114. 
Townsend  (port  of),  56  to  60,  96, 

97. 

Treasury  Dept.  (Washington),  13. 
Trufant,  Horace  F.,  13. 

Jonathan,  114. 

Joseph,  31,  32,  113. 

Sarah,  113. 

Sarah  (Porter),  113. 
Tufts,  Cotton,  39,  41,   42,  43,  45, 
46,  84,  85,  87. 

Library,  8. 
Turner,  Bethiah  (Allen),  114. 

Micah,  114. 

Lyclia,  114. 

Tyler,  Col.  John,  57. 
Tyrannicide  (brig),   57,    69,   95, 
101. 

United  States,  85. 

Vengeance  (ship),  56,  95. 
Vining,  John  Randall,  32. 

Maj.,  42. 
Virginia,  28. 

Historical  Society,  11. 

Wadsworth,  Gen.  Peleg,  56,  57, 
58,  62,  68,69,  75,  78,  81,  98, 
100,  101. 

Walpole  (town  of),  44. 
Ward,  Gen.  Artemas,  79. 

Samuel,  113. 

War  Dept.  (Washington),  13. 
Warren  (frigate),  55,  56,  64,  75, 
95,  98. 

(town  of),  48. 
Washington,  city  of,  82. 

(George),  29,  30,  48,  49. 

Irving's,  30. 

Waterman,  Sarah,  114. 
Waters,  Capt.  102. 
Wayne  (Gen.),  83. 


Webb,  Christopher,  21. 
Eleanor,  115. 

(Lovell),  23,  37. 
Joseph,  23,  115. 
Lydia,  115. 
Mary,  115. 
Sarah,  115. 
Welch,  Maj.,  65. 
Wells  (town  of),  59. 
Wessaguscus    (Weymouth),    20, 

21,  109. 

Weston,  Elizphaz,  46. 
Weston's  Colony,  21. 
Weymouth,  3,  8,  9,  10,  19,  20,  21 
to  24,  42,  44,  84,  86,  89,  95, 
109  to  113,  115. 
ancient  names  and  localities, 

7. 

South,  company  of,  44. 
division  of,  86,  87. 
early  physicians  of,  9. 
East,  in  1818,  9. 

Cemetery,  9. 
England,  19,  109. 
Gazette,  8,  42. 

Historical  Society,  3, 5, 16,  42. 
date  of  organization,  3. 
list  of  officers,  3. 
history  and  proceedings, 

3. 

origin  and  object,  5. 
first  meeting,  6. 
organization,  6,  7. 
place  of  meeting,  6,  8. 
constitution,  7. 
original  papers  read,  7,  9. 
success  of  its  first  year, 

8. 

second  annual  meeting,  8. 
sketch  of  second  year's 

work,  10. 
library,  19. 
Landing,  6,  9. 
Light  Horse  Troop,  9,  13. 
Lovells,  109. 
North,  9,  37,  89. 
Ponds,  39. 
separation  from  Suffolk  Co., 

86. 
South,  citizens  of,  13. 


127 


Weymouth : 

Town  records,  23,  36,  38,  39, 
41,  42,  43,  45,  47,  51,  84  to 
87. 

volunteers,  29,  31,  34. 
Wheeler's  History  of  Castine,  17, 

54,  61,  71,  73,  77,  82. 
Whig  and  Courier,  Bangor,  54. 
White,  Amos  S.,  13. 

Asa,  7,  39,  42,  46,  87. 

Hon.  George,  13. 

George  W. ,  13. 

Hezekiah,  31. 

Jonathan,  112. 

Nathaniel,  112. 

Thomas,  7. 
Whitman's  Pond,  113. 

iron  ore  of,  39. 
Whitmarsh,  Alice,  22. 

John,  22,  113. 

Joshua,  115. 


Whitmarsh,  Samuel  F.,  13. 

Lt.  William,  31. 
Whortleberry  Pond,  iron  ore  of, 

39. 
Wildes,  Capt.  William,  89, 116. 

James  L.,  13. 

Miss  Selima,  17. 
Williams,  Capt.,  102. 
Williamson's  History  of  Belfast, 
17,  53,  69. 

History  of  Maine,  17,  54,  82. 
Wilson,  T.  L.,  13. 
Winch,  Mrs.  Priscilla,  88,  116. 
Winslow,  Gen.  John,  31. 
Winthrop,  Gov.,  20. 

Hon.  Robert  C.,  13. 
Wolfe  (Gen.),  35,  65,  99. 
Worcester,  England,  109. 
Wrentham  (town  of),  44. 

York  County,  57,  59. 


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